Geurts and Pouscoulous (2009): Embedded implicatures?!? #
This file formalizes the theoretical frame of [GP09]'s experimental case
against conventionalist theories of scalar implicature ([Chi04b], [Fox07],
[CFS08]), which posit a silent exhaustivity operator adjoinable to any
clause and predict local scalar inferences systematically. The operator so negates every
stronger alternative of its prejacent; under a belief verb the parse with so below the verb
yields the local reading, that the agent believes some but not all, and the parse above it the
global reading, that the agent believes some and does not believe all
(local_reading, so_pair). The paper's Gricean reply is that the local reading follows from the
global one whenever the agent is opinionated on the stronger alternative
(local_of_global_of_opinionated), while the analogous derivation for a universal quantifier
needs a uniformity assumption across the domain (all_not_all_of_uniform) that is far less
plausible, so seemingly local inferences are expected under believe and nowhere else.
Mainstream conventionalism predicts the local construal wherever the embedding scope is not
downward entailing (PredictsLocalSI, weakly PredictsLocalSIWeak). The third experiment's
verification items are reconstructed as situations in which the classical and the local construal
of each sentence conflict (rows_construals_conflict); participants answered by the classical
construal throughout (rows_observed_classical), against the prediction derived from the scope
monotonicity of the five quantifiers (rows_predicted_mainstream).
Implementation notes #
- The experiments' response rates (Tables 2–5) are recorded as features of the rows, with the verification and bracketed prediction rates turned into majority responses; the paper's statistical tests and its methodological argument that the inference paradigm inflates rates stay in prose.
- The verification situations are three squares and three circles; the exact figures of the stimuli are not given in the paper, only the conditions they satisfy, which the three situations here meet.
- The paper's remark that lexicalist conventionalism reaches only the local reading is not
formalized;
sois the syntax-based variant's operator.
References #
The silent exhaustivity operator #
The silent operator of syntax-based conventionalism conjoins the prejacent with the negation of every stronger alternative.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.so φ A = {w : W | w ∈ φ ∧ ∀ ψ ∈ A, ψ ⊂ φ → w ∉ ψ}
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Against the two-membered scale of some and all, the operator returns some but not all.
The parse with the operator below the belief verb, on which the agent believes some and believes not all.
The Gricean derivation of a seemingly local inference, on which the parse with the operator above the belief verb says the agent believes some and does not believe all, and an agent opinionated on all then believes not all, which is the local reading.
The same derivation for a universal quantifier, where the global implicature that not every customer shot at every salesman yields that none did only under the uniformity assumption that either all or none did.
Monotonicity and the mainstream prediction #
The stronger mainstream prediction, that a local scalar inference is preferred in every scope that is not downward entailing.
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The weaker prediction, that a local scalar inference is preferred in upward-entailing scopes.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instDecidableEqQuant x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprQuant = { reprPrec := GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprQuant.repr }
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.all.sem = Quantifier.GQ.every
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.moreThanOne.sem = Quantifier.GQ.atLeast 2
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.exactlyTwo.sem = Quantifier.GQ.exactly 2
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.notAll.sem = Quantifier.GQ.everyᶜ
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.notMoreThanOne.sem = Quantifier.GQ.atMost 1
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The verification situations #
A situation of the third experiment records which squares are connected with which circles.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Situation = (Fin 3 → Fin 3 → Prop)
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The situation for all, more than one and the two downward-entailing sentences, in which every square is connected with some circle and two of them with all.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.allSome s c = (s ≠ 0 ∨ c = 0)
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One square connected with some but not all circles, one with all, one with none.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.onePartial s c = (s = 1 ∨ s = 0 ∧ c = 0)
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Two squares connected with some but not all circles, one with all.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.twoPartial s c = (s = 2 ∨ c = 0)
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Connected with some of the circles.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.someC R s = ∃ (c : Fin 3), R s c
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The local construal, connected with some but not all of the circles.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.someNotAllC R s = ((∃ (c : Fin 3), R s c) ∧ ¬∀ (c : Fin 3), R s c)
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instDecidableEqTrial x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprTrial = { reprPrec := GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprTrial.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.situation GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.exactlyTwo GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Trial.a = GeurtsPouscoulous2009.onePartial
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.situation GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Quant.exactlyTwo GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Trial.b = GeurtsPouscoulous2009.twoPartial
- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.situation x✝¹ x✝ = GeurtsPouscoulous2009.allSome
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The classical construal of a verification item.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Classical q t = q.sem (fun (x : Fin 3) => True) (GeurtsPouscoulous2009.someC (GeurtsPouscoulous2009.situation q t))
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The local-implicature construal of a verification item.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.Local q t = q.sem (fun (x : Fin 3) => True) (GeurtsPouscoulous2009.someNotAllC (GeurtsPouscoulous2009.situation q t))
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What mainstream conventionalism predicts of an item, the local construal outside downward-entailing scopes and the classical one within them.
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The verification rows #
A verification item with the majority response and the majority the stronger mainstream prediction expects.
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- GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprRow = { reprPrec := GeurtsPouscoulous2009.instReprRow.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The bracketed predictions are the stronger mainstream construal, derived from the scope monotonicity of each quantifier; outside downward-entailing scopes they invert the responses.