Cooper (2023): From Perception to Communication: A Theory of Types for Action and Meaning #
Cooper's theory of types with records reads a type as true when something witnesses it. A modal type system assigns objects to types in each of a family of possibilities, and subtyping is inclusion of witnesses in every possibility, so an attitude, which matches its complement against a type of the agent's information state, depends on which postulates restrict the possibilities. A witness for a quantified sentence is a witness set with a function into or out of it, following Barwise and Cooper's two procedures for monotone quantifiers, and the sets a witness carries are the anaphora sets the noun phrase makes available. Scope ambiguity comes from storing a quantifier in the context and retrieving it over the sentence, and binding from marking pronouns as local or reflexive.
Main statements #
Venus.not_believe_oneStar,Venus.believe_oneStar_reporter: the ancients do not believe that Hesperus is Phosphorus under their own postulates, and do under the reporter's.nonempty_generalWCIncr_iff_toGQ,nonempty_generalWCDecr_iff_toGQ: the general witness conditions are Barwise and Cooper's two procedures for the tree quantifier of their relation.witnessType_propAtLeast_iff: a probabilistic witness condition of §7.3 is its cardinal one.WitnessCondition.exists_set_subset: each witness condition can be met by a witness whose set lies in the anaphora set it makes available, whichanaphora_rowschecks against the book's judgements.
Implementation notes #
- Within one possibility, types are Lean's own, and a property is
E → Type. A modal type system assigns shared objects to types, so subtyping, and every attitude built on it, compares witnesses across possibilities. The postulates for transitive verbs are hypotheses on Lean types. - A negated type
¬T(Ch. 7, (69)) is the function typeT → Empty. - Proportional thresholds are cross-multiplied
n / dover a nonempty extension, and the thresholdsθ_q(P)are parameters, shared by few and a few only where stated. - Context labels are chosen distinct by hand rather than incremented at combination, and a stored quantifier keeps its foreground, its background merged at storage. Localisation folds the whole assignment into a property's domain, and alignment supplies the constant assignment at the antecedent's witness.
TODO #
- The closure of a content type under the operations (Ch. 8, (21), (89)) and the combination of content types (23)–(24) are not modelled: each reading is derived by composing the operations by hand.
- The asymmetric merge
∧̣of a type with a point of view (Ch. 6, (55)–(58)) is not defined: an information state lists which types are such merges. - The number of a pronoun is not modelled, so the contrast between it and they with a universal antecedent, (46b)–(46e), is recorded in the rows but not derived.
- A reflexive inside a verb phrase (The guru revealed Kim to himself) and picture noun phrases are outside the treatment, as in the book.
- Purification is determiner-independent, so both donkey readings are predicted for every determiner; the experimental record of [DS22] on non-monotonic determiners and the question-based selection of [CBH19] are the tests to state.
References #
- R. Cooper, From Perception to Communication (2023)
- J. Barwise, R. Cooper, Generalized Quantifiers and Natural Language (1981)
- J. van Benthem, Questions about Quantifiers (1984)
- L. M. Moxey, A. J. Sanford, Quantifiers and Focus (1987)
- A. Kratzer, What 'must' and 'can' must and can mean (1977)
- A. Kratzer, The Notional Category of Modality (1981)
- E. Breitholtz, Enthymemes and Topoi in Dialogue (2020)
- G. Chierchia, Dynamics of Meaning (1995)
- M. Kanazawa, Weak vs. Strong Readings of Donkey Sentences (1994)
- A. Ranta, Type-Theoretical Grammar (1994)
- R. Montague, The Proper Treatment of Quantification in Ordinary English (1973)
- M. Denić, Y. Sudo, Donkey Anaphora in Non-Monotonic Environments (2022)
- L. Champollion, D. Bumford, R. Henderson, Donkeys under Discussion (2019)
Properties, quantifiers and their contents (Chs. 3, 4) #
A property (30) gives each individual its type of situations.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Ppty E = (E → Type)
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A quantifier maps properties to types, as Montague's ⟨⟨e,t⟩,t⟩ does.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Quant E = (Cooper2023.Ppty E → Type)
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SemPropName(a) (33) applies a property to the individual a.
Equations
- Cooper2023.SemPropName a P = P a
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The particular witness condition for exist(P, Q) (Ch. 7, (63)) provides an individual with the
first property and the second. Its x-field is what singular anaphora picks up in A dog is
barking. It is right outside my window (Ch. 7, (64)).
Instances For
The particular witness condition for no(P, Q) (Ch. 7, (70)) shows that every witness of the
first property precludes the second, by a function into the negated type (69).
- f (a : E) : P a → Q a → Empty
Instances For
exist(P, Q) is witnessed iff the property extensions of P and Q overlap, (55).
SemIndefArt (37) sends a restrictor property to the existential quantifier over it, whose
witness under the particular condition of Ch. 7 (63) is an individual with the restrictor and the
scope.
Equations
- Cooper2023.SemIndefArt restr = Cooper2023.ParticularWCExist restr
Instances For
SemBe (78), Montague's copula, is the property of being the quantifier's witness.
Equations
- Cooper2023.SemBe Q x = Q fun (y : E) => PLift (x = y)
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The universal quantifier is a function from the restrictor's witnesses to the scope's, the
function witness of §7.2.4 after [Ran94], which, as Cooper notes at (27), yields no witness set
for plural anaphora; the set-based condition (72) is GeneralWCIncr with CardRel.every.
Equations
- Cooper2023.SemUniversal restr scope = ((x : E) → restr x → scope x)
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no(P, Q) under its particular witness condition (Ch. 7, (70)) holds when every witness of the
restrictor precludes the scope.
Equations
- Cooper2023.SemNo restr scope = Cooper2023.ParticularWCNo restr scope
Instances For
a is a P, the copula over the indefinite article, is witnessed iff P(a) is (92), so the
compositional content and the construction-based content of (86)–(87) are distinct but equivalent
types.
a P is a, with the quantifiers in the other order, is witnessed iff P(a) is as well (94c);
only the construction expresses P(a) itself, and (89) A conductor is Dudamel is odd.
A quantifier is monotone increasing when a witness for a property gives one for any larger property.
Equations
- Q.IsMonIncr = ∀ (P P' : Cooper2023.Ppty E) (a : (x : E) → P x → P' x), Nonempty (Q P) → Nonempty (Q P')
Instances For
Dudamel is a conductor (82c) #
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dudamel.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dudamel.instReprInd = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.Dudamel.instReprInd.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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is a conductor (81c) is the copula over the indefinite article.
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dudamel.dudamelIsAConductor = { x := Cooper2023.Dudamel.Ind.dudamel, pWit := Cooper2023.Dudamel.Conductor.mk, qWit := { down := ⋯ } }
Instances For
Modality and intensionality without possible worlds (Ch. 6) #
A modal type system is a family of possibilities over shared types, and modality and the attitudes compare witnesses across its possibilities.
Modal type systems (§6.3) #
A possibility says which types occur in it and which objects witness them. Only a type of the possibility has witnesses in it.
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A modal system of types (§1.4.3.5, (54)) is a family of possibilities over shared types.
Equations
- Cooper2023.ModalSystem M Ty Obj = (M → Cooper2023.Possibility Ty Obj)
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The extension of T (1a) gives its witnesses in each possibility.
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T occurs in the type system of the possibility p.
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T₁ is a restrictive subtype of T₂ (1b) when its extension is included in that of T₂ in
every possibility.
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T₁ and T₂ are restrictively equivalent (1a) when they have the same extension in every
possibility.
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T is restrictively necessary (1c) when it is witnessed in every possibility.
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T is restrictively possible (1d) when it is witnessed in some possibility.
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T₁ is an inclusive subtype of T₂ (2b; Ch. 1, (55)) when its extension is included in that of
T₂ wherever both types occur.
Equations
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T₁ and T₂ are inclusively equivalent (2a) when they have the same extension wherever both
occur.
Equations
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T is inclusively necessary, by the rule (4c), when it occurs in some possibility and is
witnessed wherever it occurs.
Equations
Instances For
T is inclusively possible, by the rule (4d), when it is witnessed in a possibility in which it
occurs. The definition (2d) prints the conjunction as an implication.
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Restrictive equivalence is subtyping both ways (3b).
Inclusive equivalence is subtyping both ways (4b).
Subtyping in a modal system holds in any restriction of it, and restricting attention to some of the possibilities is what a postulate does (p. 261).
Restrictive against inclusive necessity #
Snow is possible but not necessary, and once it does not occur in the second possibility it is inclusively but not restrictively necessary.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Weather.instDecidableEqTy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Weather.instDecidableEqObj x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Both types occur in both possibilities; rain is witnessed in both, snow in the first.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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As system, but snow does not occur in the second possibility.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Modality with topoi (§6.4) #
The last version of nec and poss, (23)–(24), takes a topos in place of Kratzer's ideal.
A topos (20) is a dependent type from situations of a background type to types.
Equations
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Two types are compatible (17) when something is of both.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Compatible T₁ T₂ = Nonempty (T₁ × T₂)
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A witness of nec(T, B, τ) (23) is a situation of the background type B, with B a subtype
of the topos's domain and the type the topos returns for the situation a subtype of T.
- sit : B
- sub : B → τ.bg
Instances For
Mary should eat her broccoli (25)–(31) #
Eating the broccoli is necessary under the deontic topos and under the bouletic one, (29).
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dinner.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dinner.instReprInd = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.Dinner.instReprInd.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- mk : Love Ind.mary Ind.broccoli
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The deontic topos τ₁ (28a) sends a child with food on her plate to her eating it.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dinner.deontic = { bg := Cooper2023.Dinner.OnPlate, fg := fun (r : Cooper2023.Dinner.OnPlate) => Cooper2023.Dinner.Eat r.y r.x }
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The bouletic topos τ₂ (28b) sends a child loving some food to her eating it.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dinner.bouletic = { bg := Cooper2023.Dinner.Loves, fg := fun (r : Cooper2023.Dinner.Loves) => Cooper2023.Dinner.Eat r.y r.x }
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The base situation has the broccoli on Mary's plate, and Mary loving it.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Eating the broccoli is necessary under the deontic topos (29a), the base type being a subtype of the topos's domain by (27) and the topos returning the type itself (30).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Eating the broccoli is necessary under the bouletic topos as well (29b).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Intensionality (§6.5) #
An attitude matches its complement against a type of the agent's information state up to relabelling, so whose postulates restrict the possibilities decides the report (pp. 261–262).
T₁ ⊑⇝ T₂ (39) holds when T₁ is a subtype, in the sense of Ch. 1 (55), of some relabelling of
T₂, the relabellings of a type being its class under r.
Equations
- ms.SubtypeRelabel r T₁ T₂ = ∃ (T : Ty), r T₂ T ∧ ms.SubtypeI T₁ T
Instances For
Matching is blind to the relabelling of the complement (41).
An agent's total information state (91) gives the types of each agent's long-term memory, religious beliefs and desires, and records which types are merges of a type with a complete point of view on it (55).
- ltm : Agent → Ty
- rbel : Agent → Ty
- des : Agent → Ty
- pov : Ty → Ty → Prop
pov M Tsays thatMis the asymmetric mergeT ∧̣ T'ofTwith a complete point of viewT'on it.
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s.Matches ms r I T is the least relation closed under the two conditionals of (58), by which
the information type I matches T when I ⊑⇝ T, or when I matches some T₁ whose merge with a
point of view on it is a subtype of T up to relabelling. Belief (58) matches the long-term memory,
worship (81) the religious beliefs against the quantifier exported over worship†, and want† (92)
the desires.
- subtype {M Agent Ty Obj : Type} {s : InfoState Agent Ty} {ms : ModalSystem M Ty Obj} {r : Setoid Ty} {I T : Ty} : ms.SubtypeRelabel r I T → s.Matches ms r I T
- pov {M Agent Ty Obj : Type} {s : InfoState Agent Ty} {ms : ModalSystem M Ty Obj} {r : Setoid Ty} {I T₁ M✝ T : Ty} : s.Matches ms r I T₁ → s.pov M✝ T₁ → ms.SubtypeRelabel r M✝ T → s.Matches ms r I T
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An attitude toward a type is one toward any relabelling of it (41).
An attitude computed with fewer postulates holds with more, the postulates restricting the possibilities.
Hesperus and Phosphorus, (52)–(53) #
The ancients cannot exclude a possibility in which Phosphorus is another body than Venus; the reporter can (p. 262).
The types are (52), and (53b), which identifies the second body with the first.
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In the actual possibility Phosphorus is Venus; in the other, which the ancients cannot exclude, it is Mars.
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In the modal system Hesperus is Venus throughout, and the records are the pairs of their two bodies.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Before learning, the ancients' information state has (52) as its long-term memory.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(53b) is a structural subtype of (52), having its fields and one more.
Under their own postulates the ancients do not believe that Hesperus is Phosphorus.
Under the reporter's postulates, which exclude the alternative, they do.
Learning (53) keeps the belief in (52).
Intensional transitive verbs, (63)–(68), (87) #
Following Montague a transitive verb's predicate takes a quantifier (64), and postulates make it extensional (65), a successful search a finding (66), and booking require existence (87).
A verb is extensional (65) when its ptype is equivalent to the quantifier exported over p†.
Equations
- v.IsExtensional = ∀ (a : E) (Q : Cooper2023.Quant E), Nonempty (v.pred a Q ≃ Q (v.dagger a))
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With (65), a finds a P is witnessed only by a P that is found.
A successful search is a finding (66).
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With (66), and (65) for find, a successful search for a unicorn finds one, so there is one (p. 268).
Booking a monotone increasing quantifier's worth of tables requires tables to be, without requiring a specific one (87).
Equations
- Cooper2023.BookRequiresBeing book be = ∀ (a : E) (Q : Cooper2023.Quant E), Q.IsMonIncr → Nonempty (book a Q) → Nonempty (Q be)
Instances For
Under (87), Kim booked a table but there were no tables is inconsistent (68a).
Witness-based quantification (Ch. 7) #
Purification lowers a property's restriction into its body, and a quantified ptype is witnessed by a witness set with a function into or out of it.
A property is pure (7a) when its restriction is trivial.
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Purification 𝔓(P) (12) lowers the restriction into the body under the local context.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Purify P x = ((c : P.restr x) × P.body x c)
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Universal purification 𝔓∀(P) (13) requires the body under every way of meeting the
restriction.
Equations
- Cooper2023.PurifyUniv P x = ((c : P.restr x) → P.body x c)
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Aligning two paths in the domain by a manifest field (Ch. 8, (51)–(52)) is a further restriction of the domain, through which the body is read.
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Property restriction P|ℱ (Ch. 5, (98)) narrows the domain by a property, aligning along the
projection.
Equations
- P.restrictBy R = P.align (fun (x : E) => R x × P.restr x) fun (x : E) => Prod.snd
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For a pure property the two purifications agree, so 𝔓 and 𝔓∀ differ only under a non-trivial
restriction.
Types of witness sets (§7.2.4) #
A witness set of qʷ(P) is a subset of [↓P] whose cardinality stands in a relation to
|[↓P]|, read on van Benthem's tree of numbers as Cooper reads determiners (p. 298).
The cardinality clause of a type of witness sets is a relation between |X| and |[↓P]|.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel = (ℕ → ℕ → Prop)
Instances For
existʷ (21) requires a singleton. Cooper notes the departure from [BC81], whose
witness sets for a have at least one member.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.exist x x✝ = (x = 1)
Instances For
exist_plʷ (22), plural some, requires at least two.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.existPl x x✝ = (2 ≤ x)
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everyʷ (25)–(26) requires the whole extension.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.every x p = (x = p)
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many_aʷ (30) requires at least θ, as does a_few_aʷ (34) at the threshold of few_aʷ.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.atLeast θ x x✝ = (θ ≤ x)
Instances For
mostʷ (29), many_pʷ (31) and, at the threshold of few_pʷ, a_few_pʷ (35) require at least
the proportion n / d of a nonempty extension, cross-multiplied.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.propAtLeast n d x p = (0 < p ∧ n * p ≤ d * x)
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few_pʷ (33) requires at most the proportion n / d of a nonempty extension.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.propAtMost n d x p = (0 < p ∧ d * x ≤ n * p)
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The complement witness sets of few_a (81b) hold all but at most θ of the extension.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.compAtMost θ x p = (p - θ ≤ x)
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The complement witness sets of few_p (82b) hold at least the proportion 1 - n / d of a
nonempty extension.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CardRel.compPropAtMost n d x p = (0 < p ∧ (d - n) * p ≤ d * x)
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The complement witness sets of few_a (81b), read on the tree of numbers, are the inner
negation of few_aʷ.
The complement witness sets of few_p (82b), read on the tree of numbers, are the inner
negation of few_pʷ.
The type qʷ(P) of witness sets (20)–(35) holds the subsets of the extension [↓P] whose
cardinality stands in the relation c to the extension's.
Equations
- Cooper2023.WitnessType P c X = (X ⊆ {x : E | P x} ∧ c X.card {x : E | P x}.card)
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A witness set of qʷ(P) is a witness set over P, in the sense of [BC81] (20a),
of the tree quantifier of qʷ's relation.
Cooper's singleton witness sets for exist (21) are the minimal B&C witness sets of
some P.
The complement in [↓P] of a witness set of few_aʷ(P) is a complement witness set
(81b).
Witness sets and probabilities (§7.3) #
The probability (36) of a witness set within [↓P] is |X| / |[↓P]|, (51)–(52), so each
probabilistic witness condition (41)–(58) is its cardinal one.
The probability of a witness set given the property is the proportion of the extension it takes, (51)–(52).
The probability is 0 exactly for the empty witness set (43).
The probability is 1 / |[↓P]| exactly for a singleton witness set (41).
The probability is 1 exactly for the whole extension (44).
The probabilistic witness condition for most (50) is the cardinal one (29).
An experience base (37) holds the judgements [sit = a, type = T] an agent remembers.
Equations
- Cooper2023.ExperienceBase E Ty = Finset (E × Ty)
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The extension of a type with respect to the experience base (38) holds the situations judged of
it. The estimate p_𝔍(T₁ ‖ T₂) (39) is the uniform measure on the extension of T₂ at that of
T₁, the extension of T₁ ∧ T₂ being the intersection (37b).
Equations
- 𝔍.extension T = Finset.image Prod.fst ({x ∈ 𝔍 | x.2 = T})
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Witness conditions for quantificational ptypes (§7.4) #
The general conditions (59) are Barwise and Cooper's two procedures for monotone quantifiers
(p. 298), so by their C11 each holds when the tree quantifier of qʷ does.
The general witness condition for monotone increasing quantifiers (59a) provides a witness set and a function from its members into the scope.
- X : Finset E
- witness : WitnessType P c self.X
- f (a : E) : a ∈ self.X → Q a
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The general witness condition for monotone decreasing quantifiers (59b) provides a witness set and a function into it from the objects with both properties.
- X : Finset E
- witness : WitnessType P c self.X
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The particular witness conditions for no over everyʷ(P) (70) and for few over its
complement witness sets (85)–(86) provide a witness set of qʷ(P) whose members each preclude the
scope, the negated type (69) being a function into Empty.
Equations
- Cooper2023.ParticularWCNeg P c Q = Cooper2023.GeneralWCIncr P c fun (a : E) => Q a → Empty
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A witness for a scope is one for any larger scope, so (59a) is increasing in the scope.
Equations
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A witness for a scope is one for any smaller scope, so (59b) is decreasing in the scope.
Equations
- Cooper2023.GeneralWCDecr.comapScope g w = { X := w.X, witness := ⋯, f := ⋯ }
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For a relation closed upwards in |X|, (59a) is witnessed exactly when the tree quantifier
holds of P and Q, by Barwise and Cooper's C11(i).
For a relation closed downwards in |X|, (59b) is witnessed exactly when the tree quantifier
holds of P and Q, by C11(ii).
Under (59b) with a relation closed downwards, a witness can be traded for one whose witness set is exactly the objects with both properties, which is the sense in which the general condition for few makes REFSET anaphora available (p. 315).
everyʷ is not closed upwards, but a witness set within [↓P] of its cardinality is all of it,
which gives the truth condition of (72).
A singleton set of an object with P all of whose members have Q exists just in case an
object has both (62), so the truth condition of (60) is some.
many_a (77) and a_few_a (89) are the counting quantifier at least θ.
few_a (79) is at most θ.
most (74), many_p (78) and a_few_p (90) are the proportional threshold quantifier
over a nonempty restrictor.
With the threshold few and a few share (34), few_a and a_few_a together are exactly
θ.
The particular condition for few_a (85) is witnessed iff the general one (79) is, its
complement witness sets being the inner negation of few_aʷ.
The particular condition for few_p (86) is witnessed iff the general one (80) is.
The set-based no, the witness set of every object with P each precluding Q, is
witnessed iff the particular condition (70) is.
The particular condition for exist (63) gives the general one (60), with the singleton
of its individual.
Equations
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The particular condition for no (70) gives the general one (67), with the empty witness
set.
Equations
- w.toGeneralWCDecr h = { X := ∅, witness := ⋯, f := ⋯ }
Instances For
Anaphora sets (§7.4.1) #
REFSET, MAXSET and COMPSET ([MS87], p. 313) are read off the sets the witnesses
carry, MAXSET being the content's restr path.
REFSET, MAXSET and COMPSET are the anaphora sets a quantified noun phrase can make available.
- refset : AnaphoraRef
REFSET is the witness individual or set, as in A dog barked. It heard an intruder. (103d).
- maxset : AnaphoraRef
MAXSET is the full extension, as in A dog barked. They do when they notice an intruder. (103a).
- compset : AnaphoraRef
COMPSET is the complement witness set, as in Few dogs barked. They did not hear the intruder. (113d).
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.instDecidableEqAnaphoraRef x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.instReprAnaphoraRef = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.instReprAnaphoraRef.repr }
ref.set P Q is the set each anaphora-set kind names over the properties P and Q.
Equations
- Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.set P Q Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.refset = {x : E | P x ∧ Q.Witnessed x}
- Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.set P Q Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.maxset = {x : E | P x}
- Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.set P Q Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.compset = {x : E | P x ∧ ¬Q.Witnessed x}
Instances For
REFSET and COMPSET are disjoint, so a nonempty witness set within the one is not within the other, and no witness of (59a) supplies COMPSET, as (76) and (92) show for most and a few.
The witness conditions of §7.4 are told apart by the paths their witnesses provide.
- generalIncr : WitnessCondition
The general condition (59a) provides a witness set and a function from it into the scope.
- generalDecr : WitnessCondition
The general condition (59b) provides a witness set and a function into it from the objects with both properties.
- particularExist : WitnessCondition
The particular condition for
exist(63) provides an individual with both properties. - particularNo : WitnessCondition
The particular condition for
no(70) provides the set of all objects with the first property, each precluding the scope. - particularFewComp : WitnessCondition
The particular conditions for
few(85)–(86) provide a complement witness set, each member precluding the scope.
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.instDecidableEqWitnessCondition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.instReprWitnessCondition = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.instReprWitnessCondition.repr }
wc.Witness P c Q is the type of witnesses of each condition over a restrictor P, a
cardinality relation c and a scope Q, the condition for no (70) fixing everyʷ.
Equations
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.Witness P c Q Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr = Cooper2023.GeneralWCIncr P c Q
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.Witness P c Q Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalDecr = Cooper2023.GeneralWCDecr P c Q
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.Witness P c Q Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularExist = Cooper2023.ParticularWCExist (fun (a : E) => PLift (P a)) Q
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.Witness P c Q Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularNo = Cooper2023.ParticularWCNeg P Cooper2023.CardRel.every Q
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.Witness P c Q Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularFewComp = Cooper2023.ParticularWCNeg P c Q
Instances For
A witness carries its witness set, or the singleton of its individual.
Equations
Instances For
wc.anaphora is the anaphora set a condition's witness provides beyond the content's restr
field.
Equations
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr.anaphora = Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.refset
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalDecr.anaphora = Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.refset
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularExist.anaphora = Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.refset
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularNo.anaphora = Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.compset
- Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularFewComp.anaphora = Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.compset
Instances For
Every witnessed condition has a witness whose set lies in the condition's anaphora set, for (59b) under a relation closed downwards, so the anaphora set is read off the witnesses.
Equations
- Cooper2023.instDecidableEqQuantName x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr Cooper2023.QuantName.no prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.QuantName.no")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr Cooper2023.QuantName.most prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.QuantName.most")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr Cooper2023.QuantName.many prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.QuantName.many")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr Cooper2023.QuantName.few prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.QuantName.few")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.instReprQuantName.repr Cooper2023.QuantName.aFew prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.QuantName.aFew")).group prec✝
Instances For
§7.4 assigns each quantifier relation its witness conditions, the particular ones for exist
(63) and no (70), the general one elsewhere, and for few the general (79)–(80) and the
particular (85)–(86) as alternatives.
Equations
- Cooper2023.QuantName.exist.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularExist]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.existPl.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.every.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.most.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.many.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.aFew.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalIncr]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.no.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularNo]
- Cooper2023.QuantName.few.conditions = [Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.generalDecr, Cooper2023.WitnessCondition.particularFewComp]
Instances For
A quantified noun phrase makes available MAXSET, from the content's restr field, and the set
of each of its witness conditions.
Equations
Instances For
The dogs fragment #
Three dogs, two of them barking, witness a dog barks (63), most dogs bark (74) and few dogs barked (87), and refute no dog barks.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd.repr }
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.fido prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.fido")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.rex prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.rex")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.spot prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.spot")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprInd.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.luna prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.luna")).group prec✝
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instFintypeInd = { elems := { val := ↑Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.enumList, nodup := Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.enumList_nodup }, complete := Cooper2023.Dogs.instFintypeInd._proof_1 }
Equations
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instDecidablePredIndIsDog x✝ = id inferInstance
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.Bark x = (x = Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.fido ∨ x = Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.spot)
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instDecidablePredIndBark x✝ = id inferInstance
The property dog' (61a) lifts being a dog to a type.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.dog x = PLift (Cooper2023.Dogs.IsDog x)
Instances For
The property bark' (61b) lifts barking to a type.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.bark x = PLift (Cooper2023.Dogs.Bark x)
Instances For
A dog barks (63) is witnessed by Fido.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.aDogBarks = { x := Cooper2023.Dogs.Ind.fido, pWit := { down := Cooper2023.Dogs.aDogBarks._proof_1 }, qWit := { down := Cooper2023.Dogs.aDogBarks._proof_2 } }
Instances For
No dog barks with the witness set of every dog, whose members they picks up in (71), is false as well.
Most dogs bark (74) is witnessed by the set of Fido and Spot, two of the three dogs, each
barking, which they picks up in (75). The threshold 3 / 5 lies in the range .5 < θ_most(P) < 1
of the book's appendix type list.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
By its probability (50), the same witness set holds at least three fifths of the dogs.
Few dogs barked. They didn't hear the intruder (87) is witnessed under the particular
condition for few_p (86), with θ_fewp = 2 / 3, by the complement witness set of Rex, who does
not bark.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Under the general condition (80) the same content says that at most two thirds of the dogs bark.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instDecidableEqTy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprTy = { reprPrec := Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprTy.repr }
Equations
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprTy.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ty.dog prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ty.dog")).group prec✝
- Cooper2023.Dogs.instReprTy.repr Cooper2023.Dogs.Ty.bark prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Cooper2023.Dogs.Ty.bark")).group prec✝
Instances For
An experience base of three dogs, two of which were judged to bark.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The estimate p_𝔍(bark ‖ dog) (39) is two thirds.
Type-based underspecification (Ch. 8) #
Storage and retrieval give scope ambiguity (17)–(19), locality marking constrains anaphoric combination (28)–(88), and localisation with purification gives the donkey readings (49)–(66).
Parametric contents and their context types (§8.2–8.3) #
A context type (§4.3, (16); §8.2, (10); §8.3, (82)) says what a content requires of the context,
namely the quantifiers in the store 𝔮 (11) under their labels and the labels of pronouns, 𝔰,
among them those marked local, 𝔩, and reflexive, 𝔯.
- store : ℕ → Option ((ℕ → E) → Quant E)
- pronouns : Finset ℕ
- locals : Finset ℕ
- reflexives : Finset ℕ
Instances For
The empty context type requires nothing.
Equations
- Cooper2023.CntxtType.instEmptyCollection = { emptyCollection := { store := fun (x : ℕ) => none, pronouns := ∅, locals := ∅, reflexives := ∅ } }
The merge ∧̣ of two context types joins their fields, the first's store taking precedence.
Equations
Instances For
T ⊖ xᵢ (18) removes the label from the store and the pronouns, with the markings that depend
on it (19).
Equations
Instances For
A parametric content (14) over the contexts of Ch. 8, which assign individuals to labels, pairs a background context type with a foreground giving a content for each assignment.
- bg : CntxtType E
- fg : (ℕ → E) → C
Instances For
α.given i a is the content given the value a for the label i, the context specification
c[𝔰.xᵢ = a] behind retrieval (19), reflexivisation (84) and the alignment of a pronoun with its
antecedent (42)–(44).
Equations
Instances For
A pronoun (75) has the content of its label's value, marked local.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Content.pronoun i = { bg := { store := fun (x : ℕ) => none, pronouns := {i}, locals := {i}, reflexives := ∅ }, fg := fun (g : ℕ → E) => Cooper2023.SemPropName (g i) }
Instances For
A reflexive (83) has the content of its label's value, marked reflexive.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Content.reflexive i = { bg := { store := fun (x : ℕ) => none, pronouns := {i}, locals := ∅, reflexives := {i} }, fg := fun (g : ℕ → E) => Cooper2023.SemPropName (g i) }
Instances For
Retrieval (19) gives the quantifier stored under i scope over the content as a property of the
label's value, and removes it from the store; with nothing stored there the content is unchanged.
The purification that (19) applies to the property is the identity here, the foreground being total
in the assignment.
Equations
Instances For
The relabelling [α]𝔰.xⱼ ⇝ 𝔰.xᵢ reads the label j as i, and drops j from the
background.
Equations
Instances For
Anaphoric combination α @ᵢ,ⱼ β (28), (76) is defined when the functor requires the
label i and the argument requires j as a pronoun that is neither a stored quantifier's
nor marked local.
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- α.instDecidableAnaphoricDefined i j β = id inferInstance
The boundary operation B (77) clears the local marking at the sentence.
Equations
Instances For
Reflexivisation ℜ (84) binds the reflexive i to the property's argument, discharging its
label and clearing all reflexive marking.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Principle A (85) excludes at the verb phrase (88) a content with a reflexive still marked.
Equations
- α.IsAnaphorFree = (α.bg.reflexives = ∅)
Instances For
Equations
- α.instDecidableIsAnaphorFree = id inferInstance
Every boy hugged a dog (§8.1, (1)) #
With each boy hugging a different dog, the surface reading (1a) is witnessed and the inverse reading (1b) is not.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Boy Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.tom = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Boy Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.bill = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Boy x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Dog Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.fido = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Dog Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.rex = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Dog x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Hug Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.tom Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.fido = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Hug Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.bill Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.rex = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Hugging.Hug x✝¹ x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.everyBoy = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind) => Cooper2023.SemUniversal Cooper2023.Hugging.Boy }
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.aDog = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind) => Cooper2023.SemIndefArt Cooper2023.Hugging.Dog }
Instances For
Reading (1a) keeps the quantifiers in surface order.
Equations
Instances For
Reading (1b) stores the object quantifier (17) and retrieves it (19) over the sentence.
Equations
Instances For
(1b) is the indefinite over the universal.
Reading (1a) is witnessed, every boy having hugged a dog.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Hugging.surfaceWitness g Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.tom x_2 = { x := Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.fido, pWit := PUnit.unit, qWit := PUnit.unit }
- Cooper2023.Hugging.surfaceWitness g Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.bill x_2 = { x := Cooper2023.Hugging.Ind.rex, pWit := PUnit.unit, qWit := PUnit.unit }
Instances For
Reading (1b) is not, no dog having been hugged by every boy.
Localisation and donkey anaphora (§8.3) #
Localisation ℒ (49) folds the assignment a content requires into the property's domain under
the label 𝔠, giving a restricted property.
Equations
- Cooper2023.localize P = { restr := fun (x : E) => ℕ → E, body := fun (x : E) (g : ℕ → E) => P.fg g x }
Instances For
No dog which chases a cat catches it (46a) #
Under the particular condition for no, (55) says that no dog which chases a cat catches the
cat it chases.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Chasing.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Dog Cooper2023.Chasing.Ind.dog₁ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Dog Cooper2023.Chasing.Ind.dog₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Dog x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Cat Cooper2023.Chasing.Ind.cat₁ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Cat Cooper2023.Chasing.Ind.cat₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Chasing.Cat x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
In catches it (47) the context supplies the referent of the pronoun's label.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Chasing.catchesIt Catch = (Cooper2023.Chasing.catches Catch).app (Cooper2023.Content.pronoun 1)
Instances For
The restrictor dog which chases a cat, as the domain of (50), holds a dog with a cat it chases.
Equations
Instances For
The scope (51) is catches it localised, restricted by the restrictor and aligned so that the pronoun's label is the chased cat.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The sentence (55) is no(restr, scope) with the scope purified.
Equations
Instances For
The sentence is true when no dog catches anything.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The sentence is false when every dog catches the cat it chases.
Every farmer who owns a donkey likes it (58)–(66) #
𝔓 gives the weak reading and 𝔓∀ the strong one of [Kan94], separated by a farmer who
owns two donkeys and likes one.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Farmer Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₁ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Farmer Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Farmer x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Donkey Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₁ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Donkey Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Donkey x✝ = Empty
Instances For
The first farmer owns both donkeys, the second the second.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Own Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₁ Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₁ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Own Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₁ Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Own Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₂ Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₂ = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.Own x✝¹ x✝ = Empty
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
farmer who owns a donkey holds a farmer with a donkey she owns.
Equations
Instances For
likes it (61) is localised (62)–(63), restricted (64) and aligned (65), the pronoun's label being the owned donkey.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The weak reading (59) holds, every farmer who owns a donkey liking some donkey she owns.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.weak Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₁ x_2 = ⟨(PUnit.unit, ⟨Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₁, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)⟩), PUnit.unit⟩
- Cooper2023.Donkeys.weak Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.farmer₂ x_2 = ⟨(PUnit.unit, ⟨Cooper2023.Donkeys.Ind.donkey₂, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)⟩), PUnit.unit⟩
Instances For
The strong reading (60), (66) fails, since the first farmer does not like the second donkey.
Pronouns, locality and reflexives (30)–(36), (67)–(88) #
A stored no girl binds she past the embedded boundary, the local him of Sam likes him cannot combine with Sam (Principle B), and himself is bound by reflexivisation.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.Girl Cooper2023.Binding.Ind.ann = PUnit.{1}
- Cooper2023.Binding.Girl x✝ = Empty
Instances For
A witness of think(x, T) is a thought with the type's witness.
- thought : T
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.sam = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Binding.Ind) => Cooper2023.SemPropName Cooper2023.Binding.Ind.sam }
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.noGirl = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Binding.Ind) => Cooper2023.SemNo Cooper2023.Binding.Girl }
Instances For
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.failed = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Binding.Ind) => Cooper2023.Binding.Fail }
Instances For
thinks takes a ptype of thinking.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Binding.thinks = { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Binding.Ind) (T : Type) (x_1 : Cooper2023.Binding.Ind) => Cooper2023.Binding.Think x_1 T }
Instances For
In thinks she failed (31) the embedded she failed is a sentence, so its pronoun is no longer local past the boundary.
Equations
Instances For
The stored subject (34) combines anaphorically with the pronoun, (35).
No girl thinks she failed (36), the stored no girl retrieved over the anaphoric combination,
is no(girl', λx. think(x, fail(x))).
In likes him (69) the pronoun is marked local.
Instances For
Within the clause him cannot be related to the stored Sam (71), which is Principle B, (72)–(73).
likes himself is reflexivised (84).
Equations
Instances For
The reflexivised property is like(x, x) (68c).
Reflexivisation clears the marking for the verb phrase's filter (88).
Sam likes himself (73), the stored Sam retrieved, is witnessed by Sam's liking himself.
Instances For
A man walked. He whistled. (37)–(44) #
The pronoun's label is given the man of the previous utterance's witness (42)–(44).
Equations
- Cooper2023.Whistling.instDecidableEqInd x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
John walked.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Whistling.aManWalked = { x := Cooper2023.Whistling.Ind.john, pWit := PUnit.unit, qWit := PUnit.unit }
Instances For
he whistled (39) requires the pronoun's label of the context.
Equations
- Cooper2023.Whistling.heWhistled = ((Cooper2023.Content.pronoun 0).app { bg := ∅, fg := fun (x : ℕ → Cooper2023.Whistling.Ind) => Cooper2023.Whistling.Whistle }).boundary
Instances For
Given the previous utterance's witness, the pronoun's label is no longer required and the content is that the man whistled, (42)–(44).
Equations
- Cooper2023.Whistling.heWhistledWitness g = PUnit.unit
Instances For
The book's examples #
The rows of Data/Examples/Cooper2023.json with a quantifier feature are the anaphora
examples of §7.4, §7.4.1 and §8.3, each reading named by the anaphora set its pronoun picks
up.
quantNames pairs each row's determiner with the quantifier relation it names.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
anaphoraRefs pairs each reading's name with the anaphora set it names.
Equations
- Cooper2023.anaphoraRefs = [("refset", Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.refset), ("maxset", Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.maxset), ("compset", Cooper2023.AnaphoraRef.compset)]
Instances For
A reading of a pronoun with a quantified antecedent is acceptable exactly when a witness for the content provides a path to its anaphora set.