Condoravdi and Lauer 2016: anankastic conditionals are just conditionals #
Condoravdi and Lauer argue that If you want to go to Harlem, you have to take the A train is a regular hypothetical indicative conditional: the problem Sæbø found, that the antecedent goal must enter the ordering of the modal, and the one von Fintel and Iatridou and von Stechow, Krasikova and Penka added, that conflicting actual goals must not, are both resolved by the lexical meanings involved once want reports an action-relevant preference. On that reading want says its complement is a maximal element of the agent's effective preference structure, a strict partial order on propositions that is consistent with the agent's beliefs, so hypothesizing a preference for Harlem hypothesizes the absence of every preference the agent knows to be incompatible with it. The conditional has the double-modal structure of Frank, a covert necessity over the speaker's beliefs, ordered by stereotypicality and restricted by the antecedent, with the priority modal over the historical alternatives in its scope, whose ordering source at each world is the agent's maximal effective preferences there. The same setting covers the near-anankastics of strengthened goals, teleological consequences and specializations, which differ from anankastics only in the pragmatic implication that the temporal relation of goal and prejacent invites; reading want or the modal differently gives the non-anankastic and deontic cases.
Main statements #
conditionalNecessity_orderingSource_iff: under consistent effective preferences the paraphrase (89) of (88) is exact.HobokenScenario.anankastic_harlem,HobokenScenario.not_possibility_path: in the Hoboken scenario the Harlem sentence (1) is true and (14) false, where Sæbø's analysis makes (1) false and (14) true, and the mere-desire construal makes (1) false.VladivostokScenario.haveTo_chinese_comfortFirst,VaccineScenario.should_vaccine: compatible goals enter the ordering, so the ranking of comfort and cost decides (92), and a second maximal preference makes the near-anankastic (29b) true.AirportScenario.should_train,AirportScenario.should_ride: the double-modal readings of (83a) and (83b) are both true, where single-modal ones cannot be.
Implementation notes #
- Both modals are Kratzer's
necessity, as (88) says. The priority modal's ordering source isorderingSource P a, the maximal preferences ofP a vat each worldv, so an anankastic isconditionalNecessitywith no operator of its own, and Sæbø's rival restricts the same ordering source where the paper restricts the outer modal base. - The effective preferences are taken consistent relative to the historical alternatives, which (66) relative to the agent's beliefs gives when those beliefs lie among them; it keeps out the atypical continuations the paper leaves to a separate mechanism.
- Each scenario is a small model with its own world type. In the Hoboken scenario the speaker is uncertain about the addressee's goal, with an empty stereotypical ordering, so the Harlem sentence is true through its antecedent worlds rather than vacuously.
TODO #
- Informal in the paper and not formalized: the temporal interpretation of the internal antecedent and the prejacent, the pragmatic derivation of the means-of implication, the strong/weak modal contrast of (96) and (97), purpose constructions, informational asymmetry, the consistency of the double-modal readings of (81) and (82), and the closure condition that would validate conjunction introduction for effective preferences.
References #
- C. Condoravdi and S. Lauer, Anankastic conditionals are just conditionals (2016)
- C. Condoravdi and S. Lauer, Performative verbs and performative acts (2011)
- K. J. Sæbø, Necessary conditions in a natural language (2001)
- K. von Fintel and S. Iatridou, What to do if you want to go to Harlem: Anankastic conditionals and related matters (2005)
- A. von Stechow, S. Krasikova and D. Penka, Anankastic conditionals again (2006)
- J. Huitink, Modals, conditionals and compositionality (2008)
- A. Frank, Context dependence in modal constructions (1996)
- S. Kaufmann and M. Schwager, A unified analysis of conditional imperatives (2009)
- R. M. Hare, Wanting: Some pitfalls (1971)
- D. Levinson, Probabilistic model-theoretic semantics for want (2003)
- T. E. Zimmermann, Monotonicity in opaque verbs (2006)
- A. Kratzer, The notional category of modality (1981)
The semantics of want #
Want P a p w is (69): p is a maximal element of the structure P a w that a preferential
background assigns to a at w, (68); the effective preference structure is the consistent
and realistic one that guides action, (66) and (67), realism derivable from consistency,
PreferenceStructure.Consistent.realistic, footnote 30. WantSufficient and WantNecessary
are the success-oriented and Quine–Hintikka alternatives of (71), after [Zim06],
downward and upward entailing, WantSufficient.anti and WantNecessary.mono. The
mere-desire and effective readings that [Har71] and [Lev03] observe are two
backgrounds for one predicate.
Exact-match want, (71c), is not upward entailing in its complement, §5.5: the single
preference {w} is not a preference for Set.univ.
Nor is it downward entailing, since the single preference Set.univ is not a preference for
{w}.
On a background that need not be consistent, wanting p and wanting q are compatible even
when p and q are not, as on the mere-desire reading of (52) and (53), §2.3 and §5.4.
In Levinson's Paris and Rome, (56) and (58), on the effective reading, §5.2, two effective preferences leave no room for a third that is incompatible with their conjunction, since the maximal elements of a consistent structure are jointly compatible with the agent's beliefs.
Three unranked preferences over three worlds, pairwise compatible but jointly inconsistent.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.threeWay = PreferenceStructure.discrete {{w : Fin 3 | w ≠ 2}, {w : Fin 3 | w ≠ 0}, {w : Fin 3 | w ≠ 1}}
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By footnote 29, consistency (66) is stronger than pairwise compatibility, which is what the weaker version of [CL11] leaves.
Previous approaches #
[vFI05]'s have to on the reading (26), §3.2.2, is necessity under the
primary ordering source g_desG(w) = {p} of the designated goal. A single proposition has the
effect of adding it to the modal base, as long as the two are compatible, so this is the
designated-goal have to of that study and the analysis amounts to adding the internal
antecedent to the modal base; the effective-preference source of (88) instead varies from world
to world, footnote 46.
Double-modal structure #
A single necessity modal restricted by the antecedent validates strengthening of the antecedent in the form [KS09] reject, §6.2: if A, must C and if A and B, must not C together entail that no best A-world is a B-world, a preference against B that (81) to (83) do not carry. The double-modal structure (76b) escapes, since each conditional's inner modal is evaluated in its own typical antecedent worlds.
The analysis #
On its teleological construal, §7.1, the priority modal is ordered at each world v by the
maximal preferences of P a v, so that orderingSource EP a is the paper's g_epA.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.orderingSource P a v = (P a v).maxElts
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Preferences consistent relative to the modal base do not split the best worlds as the ordering source of §2.3 does: the best worlds are the accessible ones realizing every maximal preference.
By (90), under consistency, an effective preference for p excludes one for any q the agent
believes incompatible with p.
The antecedent's restriction removes every world with a conflicting effective preference, §7.1.1, so an actual preference for Hoboken never reaches the priority modal.
Under consistency the paraphrase (89) is exact: the conditional (88) holds when, at every
most typical belief world where the antecedent holds, the historical alternatives that realize all
of the agent's maximal effective preferences are q-worlds. With want in the antecedent the
hypothesized preference is among them, since want and the modal read the same background, and
compatible goals such as comfort in (92) stay beside it. Consistency relative to the historical
alternatives follows from (66) relative to the agent's beliefs whenever those beliefs lie among
them, PreferenceStructure.Consistent.mono.
The Hoboken scenario #
Von Fintel and Iatridou's stranger on the platform, §2.3 and §7.1.1: the speaker knows the facts about the trains but not the addressee's goal, which is Hoboken.
Where the addressee wants to go.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.HobokenScenario.instDecidableEqGoal x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The two trains.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.HobokenScenario.instDecidableEqTrain x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The addressee goes to Harlem.
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The addressee goes to Hoboken.
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The addressee takes the A train.
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The addressee takes the PATH train.
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The proposition a goal is a preference for.
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The addressee's effective preference structure is the single preference for the goal.
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The addressee's mere desires are both destinations, unranked, at every world.
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The speaker believes that the A train goes to Harlem.
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In the historical alternatives before boarding the goal and the routes are settled and the train is not.
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The world where the A train goes to Harlem and the addressee, heading for Hoboken, takes the PATH train.
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Every goal is reachable among the historical alternatives.
The best continuations of a world are its historical alternatives that reach the goal.
Nobody reaches both Harlem and Hoboken.
At the Hoboken world the addressee wants Hoboken, so by (90) not Harlem; the world is in the speaker's belief state and out of the antecedent's restriction of it, §7.1.1, so the actual preference never reaches the priority modal.
The Harlem sentence (1) is true at every world, the Hoboken world included, §7.1.1.
The Hoboken sentence (15) is true alongside it.
(14), if you want to go to Harlem, you can take the PATH train, is false at every world, §2.3, since the best continuations of every antecedent world reach Harlem, which only the A train does.
On the mere-desire construal of (105), with desire for want and the modal still ordered by
the effective preferences, the Harlem sentence is false at the Hoboken world, §7.2.1: the
addressee merely desires Harlem there too, so the antecedent does not exclude the world, and its
best continuations take the PATH train. The anankastic reading needs the effective construal of
both.
Sæbø's analysis, §2.3, adds the internal antecedent to the bouletic ordering source, the addressee's actual goals, on the circumstantial base that here coincides with the speaker's beliefs. At the Hoboken world the ordering then holds Harlem and Hoboken, which no world realizes together, so the best worlds split and the Harlem sentence comes out false.
On the same analysis (14) comes out true, since some best world takes the PATH train.
Compatible goals and their ranking #
Von Stechow, Krasikova and Penka's two trains to Vladivostok, (92): the Chinese train is the more comfortable and here also the dearer. Going, comfort and economy are pairwise compatible but not jointly realizable, so by (66) an effective structure ranks comfort and cost, and the ranking decides whether you have to take the Chinese train is true, §7.1.1.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.VladivostokScenario.instDecidableEqWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The addressee goes to Vladivostok.
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The addressee does not ride the uncomfortable Russian train.
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The addressee does not pay for the Chinese train.
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The addressee takes the Chinese train.
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The addressee takes the Russian train.
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The addressee's preferences.
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Unranked, the three preferences are inconsistent, so an effective structure must rank them.
The effective preferences when comfort outranks cost.
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The effective preferences when cost outranks comfort, which is then a mere desire.
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With comfort ranked over cost, (92) is true: the only comfortable way to Vladivostok is the Chinese train.
With cost ranked over comfort the addressee has to take the Russian train instead.
So with cost ranked over comfort (92) is false, the judgment von Fintel and Iatridou report, §7.1.1.
Strengthened goals #
The near-anankastic (29b), if you want to travel to that place, you should get a vaccine, §4.1 and §7.1.2: the vaccine is not a precondition for travelling, but with being safe a second maximal effective preference beside travelling, the analysis of (88) makes the conditional true.
Whether the addressee travels there.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.VaccineScenario.instDecidableEqTrip x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Whether the addressee gets the vaccine.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.VaccineScenario.instDecidableEqShot x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
A world records the trip and the shot.
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The addressee travels to that place.
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The addressee is safe, never travelling unvaccinated.
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The addressee gets the vaccine.
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The addressee effectively prefers both to travel and to be safe, unranked.
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Travelling as the only maximal preference, the strong construal of the antecedent in
[Hui08] that a singleton max would derive, footnote 31.
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(29b) is true: every continuation realizing both preferences is vaccinated.
On the strong construal (29b) is false, since some way of travelling skips the vaccine.
The double-modal structure at work #
The airport sequence (83) of §6.2, where getting a ride is the preferred way and the speaker will not drive while the trains run on time. On the double-modal structure both conditionals are true, the outer modal evaluating (83a) in typical worlds without track repairs; a single modal ordered by the addressee's goals cannot make both true. The addressee's preference for a ride is left out, since the single-modal readings conflict without it.
Whether there is repair work on the tracks.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.AirportScenario.instDecidableEqTracks x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.AirportScenario.instDecidableEqWay x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
A world records the state of the tracks and the way the addressee goes.
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The addressee gets to the airport by noon, by a ride or by train on clear tracks.
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The addressee takes the train.
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The speaker gives the addressee a ride.
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There is repair work on the tracks.
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The addressee's effective preference is to get to the airport by noon.
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The stereotypical ordering source, by which the trains typically run on time.
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In the historical alternatives the state of the tracks is settled, and the speaker gives no ride while the trains run on time.
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(83a) is true: in the typical worlds the trains run on time, and without a ride the train is the only way to be there by noon.
(83b) is true: with repairs on the tracks only a ride gets the addressee there by noon.
On a single modal restricted by both antecedents and ordered by the addressee's goals, (83a)
and (83b) are not both true, since by single_modal_strengthening they would leave no best world
with track repairs, and a ride on repaired tracks is one.
The rows #
The construal rows classify the paper's conditionals by the reading of want and the construal of the modal; the other rows instantiate the theorems above.
The reading of the desire predicate.
- effective : WantReading
- mere : WantReading
- weak : WantReading
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.instDecidableEqWantReading x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The construal of the modal in the consequent.
- teleological : ModalConstrual
- deontic : ModalConstrual
- speakerTeleological : ModalConstrual
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.instDecidableEqModalConstrual x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The interpretation the paper assigns.
- anankastic : Interpretation
- nearAnankastic : Interpretation
- nonAnankastic : Interpretation
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.instDecidableEqInterpretation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The relation the prejacent bears to the goal, §7.1.2, is a means to it, a precondition for it, a means to a strengthened goal, a consequence of it, a specialization of it, or none.
- means : Implication
- precondition : Implication
- strengthenedGoal : Implication
- consequence : Implication
- specialization : Implication
- none : Implication
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.instDecidableEqImplication x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The implications a purpose or conditional row may record.
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A construal row.
- want : WantReading
The reading of want.
- modal : ModalConstrual
The construal of the modal.
- interpretation : Interpretation
The interpretation.
- implication : Implication
The implication.
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The configuration a construal row records.
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By §7.2.1, an anankastic interpretation arises only when want targets effective preferences
and the modal is construed teleologically over the same agent's effective preferences, (88); on
the mere-desire construal the Harlem sentence fails, HobokenScenario.not_anankastic_desire.
By §7.1.2, with that setting fixed, anankastics and the near-anankastics of §4 differ only in
the implication the temporal relation of goal and prejacent invites, a means or a precondition
for the former, a strengthened goal, a consequence or a specialization for the latter. The truth
conditions are the same, VaccineScenario.should_vaccine.
The reading of want an incompatible-wants row records.
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In (52) to (55), two wants the agent knows to be incompatible are coherent on the mere-desire
reading, want_both, and not on the effective one, since maximal elements of a consistent
structure are jointly compatible with the agent's beliefs,
PreferenceStructure.Consistent.inter_inter_nonempty_of_mem_maxElts.
The mood of a conditional whose antecedent the speaker has just excluded.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.instDecidableEqMood x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The mood a row records.
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In (91) and (98), when the speaker knows the agent lacks the hypothesized preference, the
antecedent is epistemically impossible, the conditional vacuously true, vacuous_conditional,
and the constraint on indicatives applies, for conditionals and purpose constructions alike.
The implication a purpose row records.
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- CondoravdiLauer2016.Implication.ofRow row = do guard (row.feature? "construction" = some "purpose") row.parse? "implication" CondoravdiLauer2016.implications
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By §7.1.3, purpose constructions admit means and preconditions; teleological consequences are excluded because the prejacent cannot be subsequent to the goal, and the infelicity with specializations is data the paper leaves open.