Dependent case by Agree: ergative in Shawi #
Clem and Deal derive the Shawi ergative suffix -ri from Agree. The probe on v is Deal's strictly descending grammar, [INT:φ, SAT:SPKR] with [PART] interacting dynamically: it Agrees with a visible object and then, when the person hierarchy permits, with the subject, and goal flagging carries the object's φ-features onto the subject, where -ri realizes the φ root of the flag and object agreement on the subject realizes the rest. Ergative is thus the case of a probe's second goal, and its distribution over Table 4 follows from the run of the probe over the goals v can see: a high object and then the subject, or the subject alone when a third-person object stays inside the categorizing v phase. Section 5 generalizes: a probe on v yields ergative and a probe on T accusative, the person split of a language is the grammar of its probe, and so global case splits range over the hierarchy effects of agreement (Tables 6–7).
Main definitions #
flag,DependentCase: the goal flag a probe deposits on the last goal it reaches, and dependent case as a flag carrying an earlier goal's φ-features.positions,goals: the positions open to a Shawi object by its person and surface syntax, and the goals v meets for an object in either position.Ergative,marking: ergative on the subject, and Table 4's obligatory, optional and impossible cells.oagrOnS: object agreement on the subject, the object-agreement exponent of the flag.Locus: the probe on v or on T, ordering the goals of a transitive clause.
Main results #
dependentCase_iff_licit: with two goals, dependent case on the second is Deal's licit Agree with both, so the PCC typology transfers to case splits.halt_of_spkr_object,narrow_of_part_object,flag_of_third_object,flag_of_low_object: the derivations (15), (17) and (19), (22), and (24) behind Table 4.table4,marking_optional_iff,ergative_of_fronted_or_dropped: the distribution of ergative, optionality as the structural ambiguity of third-person objects, and obligatory ergative with a fronted or dropped object.oagrOnS_isSome: object agreement on the subject only under ergative, and off the diagonal only for a first-person subject and a second-person object.rule1_overgenerates,no_1_3_2_hierarchy: the configurational rule fires where Shawi has no ergative, and no grammar of the probe space yields a 1>3>2 hierarchy.dependentCase_noPCC,dependentCase_strong_iff,dependentCase_weak_iff,dependentCase_sd_iff,dependentCase_sd_off_diagonal_iff: Tables 6–7, the four splits in either locus.
Implementation notes #
- Table 4 has no reflexive rows. The mechanism predicts ergative at 2→2 and none at 1→1, where a first-person object satisfies the probe, so the paper's "at least as high as" and its claim that object agreement on the subject is overt only at 1→2 are stated here off the diagonal; the paper expects the anaphor agreement effect to interfere there (§5.3).
- Locators are the paper's example and table numbers.
References #
Dependent case as the flag of a second goal #
A probe of grammar g walking goals in order deposits a flag on the last of them, none if
it never Agrees with that goal and otherwise the goals it Agreed with before, whose φ-features it
carries and transfers there with its own ((31)).
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A probe assigns dependent case when the last goal's flag carries the φ-features of an earlier goal, the structure a dependent-case vocabulary item realizes ((31), (34), (43)).
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- ClemDeal2024.DependentCase g goals = ∃ (p : Person) (l : List Person), ClemDeal2024.flag g goals = some (p :: l)
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableDependentCase g goals = match h : ClemDeal2024.flag g goals with | some (p :: l) => isTrue ⋯ | some [] => isFalse ⋯ | none => isFalse ⋯
With two goals, dependent case on the second is [Dea24]'s licit Agree with both, the probe meeting the first goal in the direct-object slot and the second in the indirect-object slot.
Shawi: the v probe and the position of the object #
A Shawi object sits in the specifier of the categorizing v, above the phase boundary and visible to the v probe, or in its base position inside that phase, invisible to it ((30)).
- high : ObjectPosition
- low : ObjectPosition
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableEqObjectPosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ClemDeal2024.instReprObjectPosition = { reprPrec := ClemDeal2024.instReprObjectPosition.repr }
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On the surface an object follows the subject (SOV or SVO), is fronted over it (OSV), or is dropped.
- inSitu : ObjectSyntax
- fronted : ObjectSyntax
- dropped : ObjectSyntax
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableEqObjectSyntax x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ClemDeal2024.instReprObjectSyntax = { reprPrec := ClemDeal2024.instReprObjectSyntax.repr }
An object of person p with surface syntax x may occupy these positions (§3.2). Local
persons move to the high position obligatorily and third persons optionally, and fronting
over the subject ((26b)) and pro-drop ((21a), as in Dinka [vU15]) require it.
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- ClemDeal2024.positions p ClemDeal2024.ObjectSyntax.inSitu = if p.IsSAP then [ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.high] else [ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.high, ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.low]
- ClemDeal2024.positions p ClemDeal2024.ObjectSyntax.fronted = [ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.high]
- ClemDeal2024.positions p ClemDeal2024.ObjectSyntax.dropped = [ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.high]
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The v probe meets a high object and then the subject ((22)), or the subject alone when the object is low or absent ((24)), by the cyclic expansion of [BR09] ((13)).
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- ClemDeal2024.goals subj obj ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.high = [obj, subj]
- ClemDeal2024.goals subj obj ClemDeal2024.ObjectPosition.low = [subj]
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The subject is ergative when v, with [INT:φ, SAT:SPKR] and [PART] interacting dynamically
(Deal2024.strictlyDescending, §3.1), Agrees with it as its second goal; -ri realizes the
φ root of the flag it leaves there ((34)).
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- ClemDeal2024.Ergative subj obj pos = ClemDeal2024.DependentCase Deal2024.strictlyDescending (ClemDeal2024.goals subj obj pos)
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableErgative subj obj pos = ClemDeal2024.instDecidableErgative._aux_1 subj obj pos
The derivations behind Table 4 #
A first-person object bears [SPKR] and satisfies the probe, which halts, so the subject is never reached, whatever its person (15).
A second-person object lacks [SPKR] but bears [PART], so the probe is not satisfied but narrows to [INT:PART]; it then reaches the subject exactly when the subject bears [PART] ((17), (19)).
A third-person object neither satisfies nor narrows the probe, so the subject is reached whatever its person (22).
With a low or absent object the probe expands and Agrees with the subject alone (24). The subject is Agreed with but is not a second goal, so its flag is empty and there is no ergative ((25)).
Table 4 #
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableEqMarking x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ClemDeal2024.instReprMarking = { reprPrec := ClemDeal2024.instReprMarking.repr }
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Table 4's cell for a subject and an in-situ object records whether the subject is ergative in every position open to the object, in some, or in none.
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Ergative is obligatory at 1→2, impossible at 2→1, 3→1 and 3→2, and optional with a third-person object, as in Table 4.
Optionality is the structural ambiguity of a third-person object ((23) against (24)), a cell being optional exactly when the object may stay low.
A third-person object fronted over the subject or dropped has moved high, and ergative becomes obligatory ((20)–(21), (26)).
Object agreement on the subject #
Object agreement on the subject is the object-agreement exponent of the person the subject's flag carries, with the object's number ((36)), realizing the [PART, v] remainder of the flag once -ri has realized its φ root (§3.3).
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Object agreement appears on the subject only if the subject is ergative (§2, fn. 7), and, off the diagonal, is overt only for a first-person subject and a second-person object (§3.3), since a third-person object has no exponent and no other pair lets the subject Agree.
A first-person exclusive augmented subject with a second-person augmented object bears -ri and the object's marker (12), a second-person subject with a first-person object bears neither (11), and a third-person object leaves -ri nothing to accompany (23a).
Configurational rules (§1, §4.1) #
Rule (1) ([Bak15]) values the higher of two caseless NPs in one domain ergative whatever
their persons, as DependentCase.assignCases does; Shawi withholds ergative at 2→1, 3→1 and 3→2
with the object in v's domain ((7a–c)).
No grammar of [Dea24]'s probe space yields a 1>3>2 hierarchy (§4.1). None makes 3→2 a second-goal configuration while 2→3 is not, since a third-person first goal neither satisfies nor narrows the probe. Rule (37) of [BS24a]'s kind, whose hierarchy is stipulated, has no such limit.
The typology of global case splits (§5) #
The probe sits on v, between object and subject, so the object is its first goal and the dependent case of the subject is ergative ((40)), or on T above both, so the subject is first and the dependent case of the object is accusative ((41)).
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- ClemDeal2024.instDecidableEqLocus x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ClemDeal2024.instReprLocus.repr ClemDeal2024.Locus.v prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "ClemDeal2024.Locus.v")).group prec✝
- ClemDeal2024.instReprLocus.repr ClemDeal2024.Locus.T prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "ClemDeal2024.Locus.T")).group prec✝
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- ClemDeal2024.instReprLocus = { reprPrec := ClemDeal2024.instReprLocus.repr }
The goals of a transitive clause in the order a probe at l meets them.
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- ClemDeal2024.Locus.v.goals x✝¹ x✝ = [x✝, x✝¹]
- ClemDeal2024.Locus.T.goals x✝¹ x✝ = [x✝¹, x✝]
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Without a split (§5.1), an insatiable probe with no dynamic interaction Agrees with both arguments whatever their persons, giving ergative on v (Nez Perce [Dea10], Amahuaca [Cle19]) and accusative on T (Sakha, [BV10]).
Under the strong PCC of Table 7 there is dependent case iff the first goal is third person, on the subject when the object is third (Shiwilu, [Val11]) and on the object when the subject is third (Yurok).
Under the weak PCC of Table 7 there is dependent case unless the first goal is local and the second is third, so on the object except in local→third (Kolyma Yukaghir, [Mas03]).
Under the strictly descending PCC of Table 7 there is dependent case iff the first goal lacks [SPKR] and the second bears [PART] whenever the first does.
Off the diagonal the strictly descending split is the hierarchy 1>2>3, dependent case holding exactly when the second goal outranks the first, the subject over the object with the probe on v (Shawi) and the object over the subject with it on T (Kashmiri, fn. 42).
In the Kolyma Yukaghir accusative ((52)), -ul realizes [φ, PART] in the object's flag and -gele its φ root, so the form records whether the subject T Agreed with first was a local person.
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The accusative is -gele at 3→1 and -ul at 1→2, and there is none at 1→3 (49).