Documentation

Studies.ChanShen2026

Chan and Shen (2026): Conditions on wh-the-hell licensing #

A Singlish single wh-question fronts its wh-phrase, moves it to an intermediate Spec-CP, or leaves it in situ, and Chan and Shen's acceptability experiment, a pair of 2×2 designs in the manner of Sprouse et al., finds that the-hell survives the first two and not the third: the in-situ comparison shows the superadditive interaction of a penalty, the partial-movement one only additive costs. This follows from two independent pieces. The-hell carries an unvalued point-of-view feature checked against the operator in matrix C, which ascribes its negative attitude (surprise, ignorance, doubt of every answer) to the speaker, after Chou; and as a modifier adjoined to the wh-head it moves only with the wh-phrase, after Merchant. The three strategies are three structures (7), (14), (8), each a chain of copies of the wh-phrase: full movement pronounces the top of the chain in matrix Spec-CP; partial movement pronounces a copy in the intermediate Spec-CP below a deleted one there, the covert second step; and an in-situ wh-phrase is bound unselectively, a single copy that never leaves, after Sato and Ngui. The-hell is licensed exactly when the top of its host's chain is matrix Spec-CP. Islands constrain the links of a chain, so extraction from a complex NP fails under full and partial movement and not in situ ((11), (15), and the Malay pattern Cole and Hermon observe); covert movement of the in-situ wh-phrase in Huang's sense, a deleted copy in matrix Spec-CP over the pronounced one, would cross the island and license the-hell in situ, against (11b) and (4d). Mandarin daodi moves on its own and so tolerates an in-situ host.

The intervention account of den Dikken and Giannakidou licenses the-hell in the immediate scope of the question operator, after Linebarger, and so admits Singlish in-situ questions, where nothing intervenes; the attitude-phrase account of Vu and Lohiniva, after Huang and Ochi, base-generates the-hell in the matrix clause and so cannot generate the partial-movement order. The paper's Table 5 is the three accounts against the data.

Implementation notes #

The rows are mapped to structures by their strategy and whether they sit in a complex NP; the structures are schematic Singlish questions (2), (11), and the English, Malay and Mandarin rows share them, since what the accounts read, the chain of the wh-phrase and where it is pronounced, is the same. The-hell adjoined to the wh-head is not built: it is carried by the wh-phrase, so its position is its host's. The intervention account reads the number of interveners the rows record. The schematic clauses have no T, so C selects the verb phrase and each verb selects its subject as well as its complement, and every constituent has a selection or raising head.

References #

The three strategies (7), (8), (14) #

def ChanShen2026.tok (id : ℕ) (cat : Minimalist.Cat) (sel : Minimalist.SelStack := []) (phon : String := "") (wh : Bool := false) :

A token of the schematic questions.

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    The wh-phrase; the-hell, adjoined to it, goes where it goes.

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      The matrix interrogative C and the embedded C.

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        The complex NP of (11): John like the man that think Mary eat ….

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          Think in the relative clause, whose subject is relativized.

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            The embedded CP, Natalie baking x or, in the island, Mary eat x, with spec in its specifier.

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              The matrix CP over the embedded one, you think … or, in the island, John like the man that think …, with spec in matrix Spec-CP.

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                (7): full movement, successive cyclic, the top copy pronounced.

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                  (14): partial movement, overt to the intermediate Spec-CP and covert from there.

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                    (8): the wh-phrase in situ, bound by the question operator: one copy.

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                      The LF-movement analysis of wh-in-situ ([Hua82a]): a deleted copy in matrix Spec-CP over the pronounced one.

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                        The wh-phrase takes scope in matrix Spec-CP: the top of its chain is there.

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                          The wh-phrase is pronounced in matrix Spec-CP.

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                            Negative attitude ascription (§3.2–3.3) #

                            The wh-phrase hosting the modifier: its structure, and how many wh-phrases stand between the question operator and it.

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                              The modifier's point-of-view feature is checked in matrix Spec-CP, so it is licensed iff it gets there: with its host, when the host's chain reaches it, or on its own.

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                                instance ChanShen2026.instDecidableLicensed (m : WhModifier) (h : Host) :
                                Decidable (Licensed m h)
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                                The-hell is licensed iff its host's chain reaches matrix Spec-CP ((20), (21), (24)).

                                Daodi is licensed whatever its host does ((19)).

                                Across the three strategies, the-hell is out exactly in situ ((3a–c)).

                                Rival accounts (§3.4) #

                                [DDG02]: wh-the-hell is a polarity item licensed in the immediate scope of the question operator ([Lin87a]), which a wh-phrase between them blocks.

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                                  [VL20]: the-hell is base-generated in the specifier of a matrix attitude phrase, whose [+wh] feature the nearest wh-phrase checks by moving there before the pair moves to Spec-CP; a wh-the-hell string therefore surfaces only with the wh-phrase pronounced in matrix Spec-CP.

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                                    In English a wh-phrase stays in situ only in a multiple question, under the fronted one, so in situ and intervened coincide and ascription agrees with intervention ((1), (25)–(26)); the two part only where a single question leaves its wh-phrase in situ.

                                    The data #

                                    The structure of a row: its strategy, in a complex NP or not, with an in-situ wh-phrase construed by inSitu.

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                                      def ChanShen2026.hostOf (inSitu : Bool → Minimalist.PlanarSyntacticObject) (e : Datum) :
                                      Option Host

                                      A row's host on the analysis inSitu: its structure and the number of wh-phrases between the question operator and the modifier, which the row records.

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                                        A row's modifier.

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                                          theorem ChanShen2026.hostOf_isSome (e : Datum) :
                                          e ∈ Examples.all → (modifierOf e).isSome = true → (hostOf bound e).isSome = true

                                          Every row with a modifier records its host, so the statements over hostOf below range over all of them.

                                          Extraction fails when a link of the wh-phrase's chain leaves the complex NP.

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                                            theorem ChanShen2026.island_rows (e : Datum) :
                                            e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "island" = some "complexNP" → ∀ t ∈ structureOf bound e, CrossesIsland t ↔ e.judgment ≠ Judgment.acceptable

                                            Extraction from a complex NP fails exactly where a link of the chain leaves it: under full movement, and under partial movement by its covert step, but not in situ ((11), (15), Malay (17)).

                                            theorem ChanShen2026.ascription_rows (e : Datum) :
                                            e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ m ∈ modifierOf e, ∀ h ∈ hostOf bound e, Licensed m h ↔ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

                                            Ascription predicts every modifier row: English (1), (25)–(26), the experiment's (4) and (6), the subject question (22), and Mandarin (19).

                                            Covert movement of the in-situ wh-phrase crosses the complex NP of (11b) and licenses the-hell in the in-situ question (4d), both acceptable and unacceptable the other way round: the island facts and the modifier facts each choose binding ([SN17]).

                                            theorem ChanShen2026.intervention_rows (e : Datum) :
                                            e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "modifier" = some "theHell" → ∀ h ∈ hostOf bound e, (Intervention.Licensed h ↔ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable) ↔ ReachesScope h.tree ∨ h.interveners ≠ 0

                                            Intervention is right except on the in-situ single questions ((4d), (22b)): nothing intervenes, yet the-hell is out.

                                            theorem ChanShen2026.attP_rows (e : Datum) :
                                            e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "modifier" = some "theHell" → ∀ h ∈ hostOf bound e, (AttP.Licensed h ↔ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable) ↔ ¬(ReachesScope h.tree ∧ ¬PronouncedAtScope h.tree)

                                            The attitude phrase is right except where the wh-phrase takes scope from a position it is not pronounced in, under partial movement ((6d)).