Chan and Shen (2026): Conditions on wh-the-hell licensing #
A Singlish single wh-question fronts its wh-phrase, moves it to an intermediate Spec-CP, or leaves it in situ, and Chan and Shen's acceptability experiment, a pair of 2×2 designs in the manner of Sprouse et al., finds that the-hell survives the first two and not the third: the in-situ comparison shows the superadditive interaction of a penalty, the partial-movement one only additive costs. This follows from two independent pieces. The-hell carries an unvalued point-of-view feature checked against the operator in matrix C, which ascribes its negative attitude (surprise, ignorance, doubt of every answer) to the speaker, after Chou; and as a modifier adjoined to the wh-head it moves only with the wh-phrase, after Merchant. The three strategies are three structures (7), (14), (8), each a chain of copies of the wh-phrase: full movement pronounces the top of the chain in matrix Spec-CP; partial movement pronounces a copy in the intermediate Spec-CP below a deleted one there, the covert second step; and an in-situ wh-phrase is bound unselectively, a single copy that never leaves, after Sato and Ngui. The-hell is licensed exactly when the top of its host's chain is matrix Spec-CP. Islands constrain the links of a chain, so extraction from a complex NP fails under full and partial movement and not in situ ((11), (15), and the Malay pattern Cole and Hermon observe); covert movement of the in-situ wh-phrase in Huang's sense, a deleted copy in matrix Spec-CP over the pronounced one, would cross the island and license the-hell in situ, against (11b) and (4d). Mandarin daodi moves on its own and so tolerates an in-situ host.
The intervention account of den Dikken and Giannakidou licenses the-hell in the immediate scope of the question operator, after Linebarger, and so admits Singlish in-situ questions, where nothing intervenes; the attitude-phrase account of Vu and Lohiniva, after Huang and Ochi, base-generates the-hell in the matrix clause and so cannot generate the partial-movement order. The paper's Table 5 is the three accounts against the data.
Implementation notes #
The rows are mapped to structures by their strategy and whether they sit in a complex NP; the structures are schematic Singlish questions (2), (11), and the English, Malay and Mandarin rows share them, since what the accounts read, the chain of the wh-phrase and where it is pronounced, is the same. The-hell adjoined to the wh-head is not built: it is carried by the wh-phrase, so its position is its host's. The intervention account reads the number of interveners the rows record. The schematic clauses have no T, so C selects the verb phrase and each verb selects its subject as well as its complement, and every constituent has a selection or raising head.
References #
The three strategies (7), (8), (14) #
A token of the schematic questions.
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- ChanShen2026.tok id cat sel phon wh = { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of cat sel phon wh, id := id }
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The wh-phrase; the-hell, adjoined to it, goes where it goes.
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- ChanShen2026.what = ChanShen2026.tok 0 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "what" true
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The matrix interrogative C and the embedded C.
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- ChanShen2026.you = ChanShen2026.tok 3 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "you"
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- ChanShen2026.natalie = ChanShen2026.tok 5 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "Natalie"
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The complex NP of (11): John like the man that think Mary eat ….
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- ChanShen2026.john = ChanShen2026.tok 7 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "John"
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- ChanShen2026.man = ChanShen2026.tok 10 Minimalist.Cat.N [Minimalist.Cat.C] "man"
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- ChanShen2026.that = ChanShen2026.tok 11 Minimalist.Cat.C [Minimalist.Cat.V] "that"
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- ChanShen2026.mary = ChanShen2026.tok 12 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "Mary"
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Think in the relative clause, whose subject is relativized.
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- ChanShen2026.thinkRel = ChanShen2026.tok 14 Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.C] "think"
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The embedded CP, Natalie baking x or, in the island, Mary eat x, with spec in its
specifier.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The matrix CP over the embedded one, you think … or, in the island, John like the man that
think …, with spec in matrix Spec-CP.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(7): full movement, successive cyclic, the top copy pronounced.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(14): partial movement, overt to the intermediate Spec-CP and covert from there.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(8): the wh-phrase in situ, bound by the question operator: one copy.
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- ChanShen2026.bound island = ChanShen2026.matrix island none (ChanShen2026.embedded island none ↑ChanShen2026.what)
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The LF-movement analysis of wh-in-situ ([Hua82a]): a deleted copy in matrix Spec-CP over the pronounced one.
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- ChanShen2026.covert island = ChanShen2026.matrix island (some (Minimalist.PlanarSyntacticObject.traceOf ChanShen2026.what)) (ChanShen2026.embedded island none ↑ChanShen2026.what)
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The wh-phrase takes scope in matrix Spec-CP: the top of its chain is there.
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- ChanShen2026.ReachesScope t = ({ toList := [0] } ∈ Minimalist.chainTop t ChanShen2026.what)
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidableReachesScope t = { decide := decide (List.elem { toList := [0] } (Minimalist.chainTop t ChanShen2026.what) = true), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The wh-phrase is pronounced in matrix Spec-CP.
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- ChanShen2026.PronouncedAtScope t = ({ toList := [0] } ∈ Minimalist.occurrences t ChanShen2026.what)
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidablePronouncedAtScope t = { decide := decide (List.elem { toList := [0] } (Minimalist.occurrences t ChanShen2026.what) = true), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Negative attitude ascription (§3.2–3.3) #
The wh-phrase hosting the modifier: its structure, and how many wh-phrases stand between the question operator and it.
- interveners : ℕ
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The modifier's point-of-view feature is checked in matrix Spec-CP, so it is licensed iff it gets there: with its host, when the host's chain reaches it, or on its own.
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- ChanShen2026.Licensed m h = m.Licensed (ChanShen2026.ReachesScope h.tree)
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidableLicensed m h = { decide := decide (ChanShen2026.ReachesScope h.tree) || decide (m.mobility = WhModifier.Mobility.independent), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The-hell is licensed iff its host's chain reaches matrix Spec-CP ((20), (21), (24)).
Daodi is licensed whatever its host does ((19)).
Across the three strategies, the-hell is out exactly in situ ((3a–c)).
Rival accounts (§3.4) #
[DDG02]: wh-the-hell is a polarity item licensed in the immediate scope of the question operator ([Lin87a]), which a wh-phrase between them blocks.
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- ChanShen2026.Intervention.Licensed h = (h.interveners = 0)
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidableLicensed_1 h = { decide := h.interveners.beq 0, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
[VL20]: the-hell is base-generated in the specifier of a matrix attitude phrase, whose [+wh] feature the nearest wh-phrase checks by moving there before the pair moves to Spec-CP; a wh-the-hell string therefore surfaces only with the wh-phrase pronounced in matrix Spec-CP.
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- ChanShen2026.instDecidableLicensed_2 h = { decide := decide (List.elem { toList := [0] } (Minimalist.occurrences h.tree ChanShen2026.what) = true), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
In English a wh-phrase stays in situ only in a multiple question, under the fronted one, so in situ and intervened coincide and ascription agrees with intervention ((1), (25)–(26)); the two part only where a single question leaves its wh-phrase in situ.
The data #
The structure of a row: its strategy, in a complex NP or not, with an in-situ wh-phrase
construed by inSitu.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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A row's host on the analysis inSitu: its structure and the number of wh-phrases between the
question operator and the modifier, which the row records.
Equations
- ChanShen2026.hostOf inSitu e = do let __do_lift ← ChanShen2026.structureOf inSitu e let __do_lift_1 ← e.nat? "interveners" pure { tree := __do_lift, interveners := __do_lift_1 }
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A row's modifier.
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- ChanShen2026.modifierOf e = e.parse? "modifier" [("theHell", Singlish.Questions.theHell), ("daodi", Mandarin.Questions.daodi)]
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Every row with a modifier records its host, so the statements over hostOf below range over
all of them.
Extraction fails when a link of the wh-phrase's chain leaves the complex NP.
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Extraction from a complex NP fails exactly where a link of the chain leaves it: under full movement, and under partial movement by its covert step, but not in situ ((11), (15), Malay (17)).
Ascription predicts every modifier row: English (1), (25)–(26), the experiment's (4) and (6), the subject question (22), and Mandarin (19).
Covert movement of the in-situ wh-phrase crosses the complex NP of (11b) and licenses the-hell in the in-situ question (4d), both acceptable and unacceptable the other way round: the island facts and the modifier facts each choose binding ([SN17]).
Intervention is right except on the in-situ single questions ((4d), (22b)): nothing intervenes, yet the-hell is out.
The attitude phrase is right except where the wh-phrase takes scope from a position it is not pronounced in, under partial movement ((6d)).