Bumford and Rett (2021): Rationalizing evaluativity #
Bumford and Rett derive the evaluativity of a degree construction, the inference that a measure lies beyond the norm of its comparison class, as an implicature drawn by a Rational Speech Act listener, and they make it graded. A world fixes the subject's height and the centre of its class, after Barker; each antonym is true relative to a threshold offset from the centre, about which the listener is uncertain as in the lexical uncertainty model of Bergen, Levy and Goodman; and the marked antonym costs the speaker more. Evaluativity is the listener's expected deviation of the measured height from the class centre.
For the positive construction and the exact equative the sign of that expectation is the antonym's, at every rationality and every cost. Reversing the height scale exchanges the antonyms, so the two antonyms of a construction differ only through their costs. How strong each inference is, and so whether the model recovers Rett's categorical classification, is a numerical matter.
Main statements #
positive_evaluative,exactEquative_evaluative: after either antonym of the positive construction or of the exact equative, the listener expects the measured height on that antonym's side of the class centre.expectedDeviation_antonym: the negative antonym's expected deviation is minus the positive antonym's with the two costs exchanged.antonymsExclusive_iff_not_isPolarInvariant,expectedDeviation_congr_of_antonymsExclusive: the antonyms exclude each other exactly in the constructions Rett classifies as polar-variant, and there each antonym's listener ignores the other antonym's cost.evaluativity_balances: weighted by how often the speaker makes each utterance, the listener's expected deviations sum to zero, so an antonym said rarely carries the more extreme inference.
Implementation notes #
- A world is the subject's deviation from the class centre, in
[-4, 4], together with the centre, in[5, 13], which gives exactly the paper's worlds, heights1..17within two standard deviations of the centre. The prior is the class's Gaussian density, standard deviation 2, at the subject's height, and the threshold offsets, in[-4, 4], are uniform. - The text puts the centre in
[5, 14], but the nine centres5..13are the figures' columns, and a direct simulation of the model with them reproduces all eight first-listener values of Table 1 to two decimals. - Rationality and costs are parameters, and the theorems hold at every rationality and every cost. The paper's rationality 4 and costs 0, 1 and 2 enter only the prose. At those costs Rett's classification holds as a gap in magnitude, every evaluative cell above every non-evaluative one, only for rationality between about 3 and 20, so it is not stated.
- Only the first pragmatic listener is modelled, not the stable iterate the paper also reports. The paper ranks the marked antonyms of the positive, the exact equative and the minimum equative by strength, but Table 1 bears this out only at the stable iterate: at the first listener the minimum equative's −1.52 exceeds the exact equative's −1.06.
TODO #
- In the positive construction and the exact equative the costlier antonym should be the more
evaluative one at every rationality and cost, as it is in every model checked numerically,
including random priors and thresholds. Without silence it follows from
evaluativity_balances: the antonyms' expected deviations are then inversely proportional to how often each is said, and pairing each point with its reflection shows the costlier antonym is said less often. With silence, both constructions reduce to the deviationXalone, with posterior weightg X * ℓ X, and the claim for every symmetric priorgis the copositivity of a quadratic form. It follows from two facts about the ratioρof the costlier antonym'sℓto the cheaper one's, thatρ (-X) ≤ ρ XforX > 0and thatρis increasing onX ≥ 0, which hold numerically but are unproved. - For the minimum equative the costlier antonym is not always the more evaluative one: it fails at high rationality when the two costs are close.
- The stable iterate of the listener.
References #
Worlds #
The reflection x ↦ -x of the interval [-4, 4], in which deviations from the class centre
and threshold offsets both range.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.negate x = ⟨-↑x, ⋯⟩
Instances For
A world fixes the subject's height relative to the centre of its comparison class, and that centre.
- deviation : ↥(Finset.Icc (-4) 4)
The deviation of the subject's height from the class centre.
- centre : ↥(Finset.Icc 5 13)
The centre of the comparison class.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.instFintypeWorld = Fintype.ofEquiv ((_ : ↥(Finset.Icc (-4) 4)) × ↥(Finset.Icc 5 13)) BumfordRett2021.World.proxyTypeEquiv
Equations
Reversing the height scale about 9, the middle of the heights 1..17, which maps the paper's
worlds onto themselves.
Equations
Instances For
Reflecting the subject's height about the class centre.
Instances For
Utterances and their interpretations #
Keisha's height, the median height, is the standard of the equatives and the comparative, and both speaker and listener know it.
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.instDecidableEqUtterance.decEq (BumfordRett2021.Utterance.say a) (BumfordRett2021.Utterance.say b) = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
- BumfordRett2021.instDecidableEqUtterance.decEq (BumfordRett2021.Utterance.say p) BumfordRett2021.Utterance.silence = isFalse ⋯
- BumfordRett2021.instDecidableEqUtterance.decEq BumfordRett2021.Utterance.silence (BumfordRett2021.Utterance.say p) = isFalse ⋯
- BumfordRett2021.instDecidableEqUtterance.decEq BumfordRett2021.Utterance.silence BumfordRett2021.Utterance.silence = isTrue ⋯
Instances For
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.instFintypeUtterance = Fintype.ofEquiv (Polarity ⊕ Unit) BumfordRett2021.Utterance.proxyTypeEquiv
Equations
Exchanging the two antonyms.
Equations
Instances For
The degree an antonym places relative to the threshold is the subject's height in the positive
construction (none), which relates the subject to no standard, and Keisha's height in the
constructions relating the subject to Keisha by =, ≥ or >.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.measured c w = c.elim w.height fun (x : Degree.Comparison) => BumfordRett2021.keishaHeight
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Under the threshold offset σ, silence is true everywhere, and the antonym of polarity p says
that the subject stands in the construction's relation to Keisha and that the measured height lies
on p's side of the class centre shifted by σ. The negative antonym's relations are the order
duals.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- BumfordRett2021.Holds c BumfordRett2021.Utterance.silence x✝¹ x✝ = True
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Reversing the height scale about Keisha's height, and the threshold offset with it, exchanges the antonyms of every construction.
Every utterance of every construction is true at some world under some offset.
The listener #
The listener's prior weights a world by the density of its comparison class's heights, Gaussian about the centre with standard deviation 2, at the subject's height, so the centre is uniform.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.prior = MeasureTheory.Measure.count.withDensity fun (w : BumfordRett2021.World) => ENNReal.ofReal (ProbabilityTheory.gaussianPDFReal (↑↑w.centre) 4 ↑w.height)
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The literal listener under the threshold offset σ conditions the prior on the truth of the
utterance.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.literal c σ = RSA.listener BumfordRett2021.prior (RSA.truthful fun (u : BumfordRett2021.Utterance) => {w : BumfordRett2021.World | BumfordRett2021.Holds c u σ w})
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The speaker at a world and a threshold offset addresses the literal listener under that
offset, at rationality α with costs cost.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The pragmatic listener at rationality α, with the speaker's costs cost, inverts the
speakers indexed by the threshold offsets against the prior on worlds and uniform offsets.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.listener c α cost = RSA.listener (BumfordRett2021.prior.prod MeasureTheory.Measure.count) ⇑(BumfordRett2021.speaker c α cost)
Instances For
The listener's expected deviation of the measured height from the class centre, after the
antonym of polarity p, is the statistic of evaluativity that the paper's Table 1 reports.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Every utterance of every construction has positive probability of being produced.
Antonym symmetry #
Reversing the height scale carries the listener after an antonym to the listener after the other antonym, with the costs of the antonyms exchanged.
The negative antonym's expected deviation is minus the positive antonym's with the costs of the antonyms exchanged, so the antonyms of a construction differ only through their costs.
With equal costs the two antonyms of every construction have opposite expected deviations. The paper remarks this of the comparative, whose antonyms do not come out opposite in its simulations only because of their costs.
Evaluativity of the positive and the exact equative #
The positive construction is evaluative for both antonyms, at every rationality and every cost. After tall the listener expects the subject above the centre of the class, and after short below it.
The exact equative shifts the listener for both antonyms, at every rationality and every cost. After exactly as tall as Keisha the listener expects Keisha above the centre of the class, and after exactly as short as Keisha below it, so the unmarked antonym is evaluative in direction and its weakness in the paper is one of magnitude.
What the positive construction leaves open #
Hearing the positive construction, the listener learns nothing about the class, whose centre stays uniformly distributed.
Evaluativity balances across the speaker's choices #
The speakers produce a probability distribution over the utterances at every world and offset, since silence is true everywhere.
Weighted by how often the speaker makes each utterance, the listener's expected deviations sum to the prior's, which is zero. The listener's beliefs average back to the prior, so an antonym the speaker says rarely carries a more extreme inference.
Competition between the antonyms and Rett's classification #
Rett derives the evaluativity of the marked antonym from its competition with an unmarked antonym of the same truth conditions, which only the polar-invariant constructions provide. In the graded model the antonyms compete wherever both are true; where they never are, as in the comparative, each antonym's listener ignores the other antonym's cost, and markedness acts only through the antonym's own cost.
A simulated construction instantiates the positive construction, the equative for the
comparisons = and ≥, or the comparative for >, in Rett's classification.
Equations
- BumfordRett2021.construction none = Degree.Construction.positive
- BumfordRett2021.construction (some Degree.Comparison.gt) = Degree.Construction.comparative
- BumfordRett2021.construction (some Degree.Comparison.lt) = Degree.Construction.comparative
- BumfordRett2021.construction (some val) = Degree.Construction.equative
Instances For
The antonyms of a construction exclude each other when no world verifies both under any offset.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Among the constructions relating the subject to Keisha, the antonyms exclude each other exactly where Rett's classification makes the construction polar-variant.
Where the antonyms exclude each other, an antonym's expected deviation depends on the costs only through its own cost and silence's, since the other antonym never competes with it.
The marked comparative is the unmarked comparative reflected, at the marked antonym's cost, so markedness acts on the comparative only through the antonym's own cost.