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Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026

Broekhuis and Corver 2026: Dutch adpositions #

Dutch adpositions are traditionally sorted into four classes by where they stand relative to their complement: prepositions, postpositions, circumpositions, and intransitive adpositions. This file formalizes the argument that the classification is epiphenomenal. Each class is the surface effect of one movement rule inside the adpositional phrase. A complement is selected below the adposition and raises to the specifier of a phrase-internal functional projection when the rule says so: a nominal complement stays where it is selected unless the phrase is directional, while a prepositional complement or an R-pronoun raises. A raised complement precedes the adposition, so the phrase is head-final; an in-situ one follows it. Postpositions are then directional prepositions with a raised complement, and circumpositions are postpositions whose complement is itself a prepositional phrase, so that the first part of a circumposition is the head of the raised complement and the second part is the head of the whole.

The same head direction settles extraction. Dutch resists preposition stranding, but an element that precedes the adpositional head can leave the phrase, and precisely the complements that raise precede it: R-pronouns and the complements of directional postpositions can be extracted, ordinary nominal complements of prepositions cannot, and the complement of a circumposition patterns with the prepositional case because it sits inside the raised prepositional phrase. An R-pronoun never yields the postpositional order, since de wandeling er op 'the hike on it' has only the locational reading, so a circumpositional phrase R-pronominalizes through its prepositional complement, and under wh-movement the first part of a circumposition pied-pipes alone, which shows that it heads a phrase.

The lexical generalizations are checked against the Dutch adposition fragment, which follows the authors' grammar: the rule reproduces every recorded postpositional use from the path it denotes, every circumposition of the grammar is a listed preposition followed by a listed postposition or particle, every postposition but af is also a preposition, an adposition with both uses is locational before its complement unless it is one of the grammar's directional prepositions, circumpositions take only nominal complements, and the morphologically complex prepositions resist R-pronominalization. The chapter itself notes that af and heen, the second parts of van … af and over … heen, are not commonly used as prepositions, although they once were, and remain postpositions or particles with a directional meaning.

The chapter says that the raising of a nominal complement is semantically conditioned and does not state the condition. Helmantel's analysis, which the chapter names as a starting point, supplies one: the complement raises when the phrase is directional and the adposition is not inherently directional, since an inherently directional adposition such as naar 'to' checks the directionality itself. That condition entails the chapter's rule and keeps the grammar's inherently directional prepositions out of the postpositional order.

Main definitions #

Main results #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

Raises idealizes the chapter's semantic condition to directionality, so linearization_eq_post_iff predicts a postpositional order for every directional preposition. Helmantel's condition removes naar, tot and van, but vanaf, vanuit and via, which she does not classify, still come out postpositional although the grammar records no such use, and the prepositional phrase inside van het dak af 'off the roof' is read as locational although van denotes a source path.

References #

The internal structure of an adpositional phrase #

A transitive adposition selects a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase, or an R-pronoun, the proform of a locational prepositional phrase. An intransitive adposition selects nothing, Option.none.

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      By the raising rule, a prepositional phrase or an R-pronoun raises to the specifier of the phrase-internal functional projection, and a nominal complement only when the phrase is directional, under a semantic condition the chapter leaves open and this file idealizes to directionality.

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        The phrase has three positions, the specifier of the functional projection, the adposition, and the complement's base position, and the complement is pronounced in the specifier when it raises and in its base position otherwise.

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          The adposition's position.

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            The head direction of the phrase is read off the positions of the adposition and its complement, head-final exactly when the complement has raised.

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              Extraction from an adpositional phrase requires the extracted element to precede the adpositional head.

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                A complement can be extracted exactly when it has raised.

                The traditional classification, read off the head direction and the complement. The head precedes an in-situ complement and follows a raised one; a raised prepositional phrase carries its own head before the noun phrase, so the whole is a circumposition; and er op counts as a use of the preposition, since an R-pronoun proforms the locational prepositional phrase.

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                  A postposition is nothing but a directional adposition with a raised nominal complement, which is why the postpositional use of an adposition is always the directional one.

                  A circumposition is nothing but an adposition whose complement is a prepositional phrase: the second adpositional element is the head, and the first is the head of the raised complement.

                  An R-pronoun never yields the postpositional order: de wandeling er op 'the hike on it' has only the locational reading, so R-pronominalization is confined to prepositional phrases, and a circumpositional phrase R-pronominalizes through its prepositional complement.

                  The rule derives each of the four traditional classes, so none of them need be listed in the lexicon, and derives no other order: an adposition never surfaces inside its complement.

                  Extraction #

                  The nominal complement of a plain preposition stays behind and cannot be extracted, which is the resistance to preposition stranding, while the raised complement of a directional postposition can be.

                  An R-pronoun has raised and can be extracted, whether the adposition it leaves behind is stranded or pied-piped.

                  From a prepositional phrase only an R-pronoun can be extracted.

                  From a postpositional or a circumpositional phrase the complement can be extracted.

                  A circumposition's nominal complement is the complement of the raised prepositional phrase, a plain prepositional phrase, so its extractability is settled inside that phrase: like any prepositional complement it cannot be extracted, while an R-pronoun in the same position can. This is why circumpositions pattern with prepositions rather than with postpositions.

                  The condition on nominal raising #

                  The semantic condition the chapter leaves open is, in Helmantel's analysis, that the adposition is not inherently directional: a directional phrase raises its nominal complement when its directionality is syntactic rather than lexical, and that raising entails the chapter's idealized rule.

                  Under that condition the inherently directional prepositions naar, tot and van raise no complement and have no postpositional use, as the fragment records, which removes them from the rule's overprediction.

                  The Dutch lexicon #

                  The rule reproduces every postpositional use the grammar records: the postpositional order is derived from the path that use denotes.

                  A circumposition is a postposition with a prepositional-phrase complement, so each circumposition of the grammar is a listed preposition followed by a listed postposition or particle.

                  Every postposition but af is also a preposition, so the postpositional order is derived from the prepositional one; af, the one postposition the grammar records without a prepositional use, is a directional adposition whose complement always raises.

                  The second elements af and heen of van … af and over … heen are not prepositions on their own, as the chapter notes, and head the raised phrase as postpositions.

                  An adposition with both orders is locational before its complement, op de berg 'on the mountain' against de berg op 'up the mountain', unless it is one of the grammar's directional prepositions, over 'across' and voorbij 'past', whose complement raises in either order.

                  A circumposition takes only a nominal complement, the complement of the raised prepositional phrase.

                  Every postposition takes a nominal complement, the one that raises; door also takes a clause, in its prepositional use only.

                  The morphologically complex prepositions resist R-pronominalization: tijdens het journaal 'during the news' but not er tijdens.

                  An adposition that cannot be R-pronominalized has no postpositional use either.

                  Directional phrases and the perfect auxiliary #

                  Op denotes a goal path after its complement and van a source path before it, so the two path shapes are independent of the order.

                  A path complementive makes the event of a verb of motion a change of location and the verb unaccusative, and a location complementive leaves it unergative.

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                    Whatever auxiliary reflexives take, the verb takes zijn 'be' exactly when its complementive denotes a path.

                    In de fietser heeft op de heuvel gereden 'the cyclist rode on the hill' the prepositional phrase of op is locational and its verb takes hebben 'have', and in de fietser is de heuvel op gereden 'the cyclist rode up the hill' the postpositional phrase denotes a goal path and its verb takes zijn 'be'.

                    A postpositional phrase denotes a path and is the complementive of a verb of traversing, which is unaccusative and takes zijn 'be'.