Bochnak (2015): The Degree Semantics Parameter and cross-linguistic variation #
Bochnak argues that Washo lacks degree morphology altogether, with no comparatives, measure
phrases, equatives, superlatives or degree adverbs, and analyzes its gradable predicates as
Klein-style vague predicates relative to a comparison class with no degree variable, the negative
setting of Beck's Degree Semantics Parameter. Comparison is a conjoined construction, one clause
asserting the positive and the other denying it, whose truth conditions entail a comparison
through Klein's consistency constraints, the sound and complete delineations of
Semantics/Degree/Delineation.lean. Kennedy's two diagnostics of implicit comparison follow:
incompatibility with absolute-standard predicates, and the crisp-judgment effect under the
similarity constraint, stated with van Rooij's margin-of-error order.
Main statements #
comparative_ofMeasure_height_iff: the conjoined comparison closes to Klein's comparative, which for a measure-induced delineation is height comparison, with no degree variable.eq24a_bent_straight_fails,english_more_bent_succeeds: on two bent rods every conjoined pairing fails where the explicit comparative succeeds.crisp_pair_not_marginOrder: a minimally different pair defeats implicit comparison at any positive margin.cc_b_requires_shared_class: the comparison entailment needs one comparison class shared by both conjuncts.
References #
The two lexical shapes ((1), (5)) #
The paper's proposal is a contrast in lexical type. English tall (1) takes
a degree argument for degree morphology to bind; Washo entries (5) are
delineations, Degree.Delineation E, with — p. 6:4 — "no
measure function, and no degree variable at all". No Washo constant is
defined: the theorems below quantify over delineations, keeping the
no-measure discipline visible in the types.
The degree-based English entry (1) is [[tall]] = λd λx. height(x) ≥ d, of type
⟨d,⟨e,t⟩⟩.
Equations
- Bochnak2015.tallEnglish height d x = (height x ≥ d)
Instances For
Conjoined comparison ((14), (27)–(29)) #
The conjoined comparison (14), with truth conditions (27), holds in context C when x
counts as G and y does not. No comparative morpheme, overt or covert, is involved.
Equations
- Bochnak2015.washoConjoined del C x y = (x ∈ del.toFun C ∧ y ∉ del.toFun C)
Instances For
Klein's existential comparative is the closure of (27) over contexts, since a conjoined comparison witnesses the discriminating class.
For a measure-induced delineation the closure of (27) coincides with
height comparison — the (28) entailment, through Delineation.IsSoundFor and
Delineation.IsCompleteFor (the paper's Consistency Constraints in
Semantics/Degree/Delineation.lean), with no degree variable in the entry.
Test 1: absolute standards ((23)–(24)) #
Two rods, both slightly bent, one more than the other. The English explicit comparative (23a) is true; each Washo conjoined attempt (24a–c) requires straight or not bent to hold of one rod, which is false.
A minimum-standard predicate such as bent or wet holds when the measure exceeds the scale's bottom. The standard is the endpoint, not a comparison class.
Equations
- Bochnak2015.bentPred curvature x = (curvature x > 0)
Instances For
A maximum-standard predicate such as straight or dry, the lexical antonym of bentPred,
holds when the measure sits at the endpoint.
Equations
- Bochnak2015.straightPred curvature x = (curvature x = 0)
Instances For
Bent ∧ straight (24a) fails, since both rods have nonzero curvature.
Straight ∧ ¬straight (24c) fails, since the first rod is not straight.
The explicit comparative (23a) succeeds in the same scenario, since any nonzero difference suffices.
Test 2: crisp judgments and the margin of error ((20)–(22), (58)–(60)) #
The Similarity Constraint (20) bars separating a minimally-different pair,
so the conjoined form is infelicitous on two nearly-equal ladders (21) —
salvageable with hedges like wewš 'almost' (22). The paper's van Rooij
section makes the margin formal: implicit comparison rests on the
margin-of-error order (60), a semi-order (58); explicit comparison is its
ε = 0 case, the strict weak order (59).
In the margin-of-error order (60), x exceeds y by more than the margin of error ε.
Equations
- Bochnak2015.marginOrder μ ε x y = (μ y + ε < μ x)
Instances For
The margin-of-error order is irreflexive (58a).
The margin-of-error order is an interval order (58b).
The margin-of-error order is semi-transitive (58c).
At ε = 0 the margin order is plain measure comparison.
At ε = 0 the order is almost connected (59c), and so, with irreflexivity and transitivity,
the strict weak order of explicit comparison.
A minimally different pair never clears a positive margin, the crisp-judgment infelicity of the conjoined form (21).
The same pair satisfies explicit comparison, since -er needs only a nonzero difference.