Beck, Oda and Sugisaki 2004: comparison in Japanese without degree abstraction #
This file formalizes Beck, Oda and Sugisaki's analysis of Japanese yori-comparatives. A
yori-constituent denotes an individual — a free relative, or a definite built from a
relative clause — and fixes the standard c of a positive or contextual comparative in the
main clause, in place of the than-clause degree set of the standard analysis. The authors
attribute the difference to a Degree Abstraction Parameter: Japanese does not bind degree
variables in the syntax. We state both repertoires of denotations and derive from them the
paper's three empirical differences — variable acceptability, no subcomparatives of degree,
no degree-based negative islands — and its scope argument.
Main definitions #
er: the comparative morpheme on degree sets,max D₂ > max D₁.pos: the positive form at a standardc; the contextual comparative isDegree.MaxIn (Set.Ioi c).theC: the Fregean definite over a contextual domain, the denotation of a yori-clause.erJ: the comparative that combines directly with the adjective meaning.
Main results #
pos_comparedTo,maxIn_Ioi_Iic_iff: a context setter supplyingyturns the positive form and the contextual comparative into the comparison withy.isGreatest_card_of_isMaximal: an amount standard is the cardinality of the maximal plurality.pos_ne_subcomparative: an individual standard lies on the matrix dimension and does not express a subcomparative of degree.not_er_nobody,yori_negative_entails_unbought: the negated than-clause has no maximum on an unbounded scale, while the definite yori-clause is defined and entails a particular unbought individual.er_everyone_without_shared_book: the standard comparative lacks the definite's uniqueness presupposition.erJ_iff_pos,exists_wideScope_not_inSitu:erJhas the truth conditions of the positive form and, applied in situ, yields only the narrow reading underneed.
Example numbers follow the journal article; the examples are typed in
Data/Examples/BeckOdaSugisaki2004.json.
References #
- [BOS04]
- [vS84], [Hei00]: the standard analysis and the scope argument from intensional verbs.
- [Rul95]: negative islands as maximality failure.
- [HK98]: the positive form and the Fregean definite.
- [Jac95]: free relatives as maximal individuals.
- [Ken97]: the comparative combining directly with the adjective.
- [Ish91], [SWD95]: the acceptability and subcomparative data.
The standard analysis #
The comparative morpheme on degree sets, where er D₁ D₂ holds iff max D₂ > max D₁ (8).
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.er D₁ D₂ = ∃ (m₁ : D) (m₂ : D), IsGreatest D₁ m₁ ∧ IsGreatest D₂ m₂ ∧ m₁ < m₂
Instances For
With unique witnesses er compares the two maxima directly, the comparative and the
subcomparative of (7′), (9′) and (10′).
The contextual analysis #
The positive form at a contextual standard, where pos μ c x holds iff x is d-A for
some d > c (20).
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.pos μ c x = ∃ d ≤ μ x, c < d
Instances For
The positive form is the preimage of the open ray above the standard.
The contextual comparative MaxIn (Set.Ioi c), max S > c (23), holds of an S with a
greatest element iff some d ∈ S exceeds c (footnote 7).
On an adjective's own degree set the contextual comparative and the positive form coincide ((24d), (21b)).
A context setter supplying y sets c := μ y, and the positive form becomes the
comparison with y ((21), (25)).
Yori-clauses denote individuals #
theC C P is the unique P-individual of the contextual domain C (54).
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.theC C P = Reference.iota fun (x : Entity) => x ∈ C ∧ P x
Instances For
If Y is the maximal P-plurality, then the greatest n for which some P-plurality
has at least n members is the cardinality of Y (41a).
Subcomparatives #
An individual standard lies on the matrix dimension, so the reading of the shelf–door sentence with the door as standard differs from the subcomparative ((74), (79)).
Negative islands #
On a scale without a top the negated than-clause, the degrees d such that nobody
bought a d-expensive book (11), has no greatest degree (12).
er over a negated than-clause never holds, the negative island ((11), (87a)).
A yori-clause built on the unbought individuals denotes the unique one of them, so the construction entails that some book in the domain went unbought ((86), (88c)).
The main clause and scope #
The comparative on adjective meanings, where erJ c P x holds iff the greatest degree to
which x is P exceeds c (133).
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.erJ c P x = Degree.MaxIn (Set.Ioi c) {d : D | P d x}
Instances For
The wide-scope reading of need to be exactly s long, the comparative over need, says
that the greatest degree reached in every acceptable world is the target s (136b).
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.wideScope acc μ s = Degree.HighScope (Degree.MaxIn {s}) (Quantifier.GQ.every fun (x : W) => x ∈ acc) (Set.Iic ∘ μ)
Instances For
The in-situ reading, which erJ with a differential yields, says that in every acceptable
world the greatest degree is the target s.
Equations
- BeckOdaSugisaki2004.inSitu acc μ s = Degree.LowScope (Degree.MaxIn {s}) (Quantifier.GQ.every fun (x : W) => x ∈ acc) (Set.Iic ∘ μ)
Instances For
In a model where the acceptable versions of a 10-page draft run to 15 or 16 pages, the wide-scope reading of "needs to be exactly 5 pages longer" holds and the in-situ reading fails ((136), (138)).