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Studies.Aissen2003

Aissen (2003): Differential Object Marking: Iconicity vs. Economy #

The higher in prominence a direct object, the more likely it is to be overtly case-marked. Aissen derives this in OT: harmonic alignment of the animacy and definiteness scales with the relational scale, locally conjoined with *Ø_C, yields a fixed subhierarchy of iconicity constraints *Oj/X & *Ø_C ("penalize a zero-marked object at prominence X"), and a single economy constraint *STRUC_C ("penalize overt case morphology") interpolates into it. The interpolation point is the grammar: an object is obligatorily marked iff its iconicity constraint outranks *STRUC_C, so each of the n + 1 points on an n-level scale is a language type, and every type marks an upward-closed segment of the scale. The subhierarchies' derivation by harmonic alignment (the paper's §§2–3) is taken as given; the constraint lists below are written directly in their derived ranking.

A language's zone, a set of cells of the grid of animacy and definiteness, records obligatory marking — the zone whose constraints strictly dominate *STRUC_C. The paper's optional zones (constraints that rerank with *STRUC_C, stochastically in Boersma's sense) are noted in docstrings but not represented.

Main results #

References #

The definiteness scale #

A position on the Definiteness Scale (13), Pronoun > Name > Definite > Indefinite Specific > NonSpecific, which extends the familiar hierarchy definite > specific > non-specific to proper names and personal pronouns.

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      The scale is ordered by nominality first and then by degree of definiteness.

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      The positions, most prominent first.

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        The nominality of a position.

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          The degree of definiteness of a position, pronouns and names being definite.

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            The definiteness of a position, definite for pronouns, names and definite NPs.

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              The DOM systems of the paper #

              The one-dimensional definiteness systems are the six interpolation types of Figure 2, one cited language each; Ritharngu and Dhargari instantiate the clean animacy types of Figure 3 (Yiddish and Sinhalese sit at its optional-zone points). Hindi, Persian, and the two stages of Spanish are the two-dimensional systems of §5.

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              Catalan marks only strong personal-pronoun objects, with a (Figure 2, §4.1).

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                Pitjantjatjara case-marks only pronoun and proper-name objects (Figure 2).

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                  Catalan's and Pitjantjatjara's cuts lie in the nominality the scale puts above the definites: Catalan marks exactly the pronouns, and Pitjantjatjara the pronouns and names.

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                  Hebrew has ʔet obligatorily on pronoun, proper-name and definite objects (Figure 2, §4.1).

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                    Hebrew's DOM distinguishes definites from indefinites, marking an object just when it is definite, pronouns and names included.

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                    Turkish marks every object but the non-specific ones, so unlike Hebrew it marks specific indefinites obligatorily (Figure 2, Tableaux 1–2); the zone is the fragment's, read through the degree of definiteness.

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                      Persian has -rā obligatorily on all definites regardless of animacy and, exactly as in Turkish, on specific indefinites (§5.3). Animacy enters only in the optional zone, the non-specific indefinites, so the obligatory zone is one-dimensional.

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                        Written Japanese case-marks all objects, DOM extended to the whole scale, "thereby ceasing to be differential" (Figures 2–3, fn. 33).

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                          Ritharngu case-marks all human objects obligatorily; the "some animates" spillover the paper reports is in the optional zone (Figure 3).

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                            Dhargari case-marks all animate objects (Figure 3).

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                              The system with no DOM marks no object, Kalkatungu in Figures 2–3, where *STRUC_C dominates the whole subhierarchy.

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                                Hindi marks with -ko (§5.2, Figure 7). It is obligatory on human objects down to specific indefinites and on animate pronouns and proper names, which "assimilate to the human class"; optional on human non-specifics, animate definites and below, and inanimate definites; and excluded on other inanimates.

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                                  The Spanish of the Cantar de Mio Cid has a obligatorily on exactly the personal pronouns and proper names of humans and animals (§5.1, Figure 5), and optionally on human common NPs and geographic proper names.

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                                    Modern Spanish is the CMC system with *STRUC_C demoted below the human-definite and human-specific constraints, so a is now also obligatory with definite and specific human objects (§5.4, Figure 9). The obligatory zone coincides with Hindi's; the two differ in their optional zones (Figure 7 against Figure 9).

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                                      The DOM systems cited in the paper.

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                                        Monotonicity: the (33b) universal #

                                        The marking of a DOM system, the object overtly marked on its zone and no other role marked.

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                                          A DOM system fits the prominence order of Figure 4 exactly when its zone is an upper set.

                                          In every attested system the obligatorily marked cells form an upper set in the product prominence order of Figure 4, which is (33b) order-theoretically.

                                          Every attested system fits the prominence order, so no language obligatorily marks a less prominent object while leaving a more prominent one unmarked.

                                          theorem Aissen2003.isUpperSet_iff_eq_empty_or_Ici {α : Type u_1} [LinearOrder α] [WellFoundedLT α] {s : Set α} :
                                          IsUpperSet s ↔ s = ∅ ∨ ∃ (a : α), s = Set.Ici a

                                          On a finite scale the upper sets are the empty set and the cones above each position, so each of the n + 1 interpolation points of an n-level subhierarchy is a cutoff type.

                                          A zone depends on animacy alone.

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                                            A zone depends on definiteness alone.

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                                              Hindi and both stages of Spanish are genuinely two-dimensional (§5), since neither scale alone determines the obligatory zone.

                                              The interpolation engine #

                                              The paper evaluates candidates per input: for an object at prominence level ℓ, GEN offers a case-marked and a zero-marked parse. *Oj/ℓ & *Ø_C penalizes the zero-marked parse; *STRUC_C penalizes the case-marked one. A grammar linearizes the fixed subhierarchy with *STRUC_C interpolated, and the winner at ℓ is the marked parse iff ℓ's iconicity constraint outranks *STRUC_C.

                                              *STRUC_C penalizes overt case morphology, so the case-marked parse violates it. Candidates are level–marking pairs, and true is the marked parse.

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                                                def Aissen2003.starZero {L : Type} [DecidableEq L] (ℓ : L) :

                                                *Oj/ℓ & *Ø_C is violated by a zero-marked object at level ℓ.

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                                                  def Aissen2003.interpolation {L : Type} [DecidableEq L] (levels : List L) (k : ℕ) :
                                                  List (OptimalityTheory.Constraint (L × Bool))

                                                  The iconicity subhierarchy of a scale (most prominent level first) with *STRUC_C interpolated at position k.

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                                                    def Aissen2003.markedWins {L : Type} [DecidableEq L] (ranking : List (OptimalityTheory.Constraint (L × Bool))) (ℓ : L) :
                                                    Bool

                                                    Whether the case-marked parse wins for an object at level ℓ.

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                                                      Tableaux 1–2 evaluate a specific indefinite object. In Hebrew *STRUC_C outranks *Oj/Spec & *Ø_C and the zero parse wins; in Turkish the ranking is reversed and the marked parse wins.

                                                      theorem Aissen2003.figure2_typology :
                                                      List.map (fun (k : ℕ) => List.map (markedWins (interpolation DefinitenessScale.all k)) DefinitenessScale.all) (List.range 6) = [[false, false, false, false, false], [true, false, false, false, false], [true, true, false, false, false], [true, true, true, false, false], [true, true, true, true, false], [true, true, true, true, true]]

                                                      The six interpolation points on the definiteness subhierarchy of Figure 2 generate exactly the six cutoff systems, and no non-monotone pattern arises.

                                                      Figure 2 cites "one language for each of the possible DOM types", and each cited language's obligatory grid is its interpolation type's predicted pattern.

                                                      Persian's obligatory grid realizes the same interpolation type as Turkish's, since specific indefinites "require the suffix -rā, exactly as ... the accusative suffix in Turkish" (§5.3).

                                                      theorem Aissen2003.figure3_typology :
                                                      List.map (fun (k : ℕ) => List.map (markedWins (interpolation Reference.Animacy.all k)) Reference.Animacy.all) (List.range 4) = [[false, false, false], [true, false, false], [true, true, false], [true, true, true]]

                                                      The four interpolation points on the animacy subhierarchy of Figure 3 generate exactly the four cutoff systems.

                                                      Figure 3's cleanly cutoff languages match their types, Kalkatungu with none, Ritharngu with the humans, Dhargari with the animates, and Written Japanese and Dhalandji with all.

                                                      theorem Aissen2003.no_reversed_system (k : ℕ) :
                                                      k < 4 → ∀ (a a' : Reference.Animacy), a ≤ a' → markedWins (interpolation Reference.Animacy.all k) a = true → markedWins (interpolation Reference.Animacy.all k) a' = true

                                                      "This account predicts that the reverse is not found, e.g., languages in which only inanimates are case-marked", since every interpolation grammar marks an upward-closed segment of the scale.