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Linglib.Theories.Phonology.Prosodic.Word

Prosodic Word (PrWd) #

@cite{selkirk-1984}

The prosodic word (PrWd, ω) is the prosodic constituent immediately above the foot in the prosodic hierarchy:

σ < f < **ω** < φ < ι

PrWd is the domain for a cluster of phonological processes:

Morphosyntax-Prosody Mapping #

Not all morphological elements are PrWd-internal. The mapping from morphosyntactic structure to prosodic structure determines which elements fall within the PrWd and which form their own domain:

Morphological statusPrWd membershipExample (Telugu)
RootInternalsamudr-
Derivational suffixInternal(not shown)
Inflectional suffixInternal-am, -ni, -ki
Agreement suffixInternal-ni (1SG), -vi (2SG)
PostpositionExternal-lō, -tō, -gurinci

This boundary is diagnosed by vowel harmony scope, minimal word effects, and obligatory vs optional hiatus resolution (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).

Connection to Linglib #

Features.Prosody defines the prosodic hierarchy levels (σ, f, ω, φ, ι) and intonational structure. This module provides the internal structure of the prosodic word: syllable constituency, weight profiles, minimal word constraints, and the morphosyntax-prosody mapping that determines PrWd boundaries.

Morphological status of an element relative to the prosodic word, decomposed into orthogonal Boolean axes rather than a flat enumeration of named cases. The previous inductive design with cases root | derivational | ... | clitic conflated three independent dimensions and made it impossible to add new combinations (e.g., a "free" vs. "bound" N2 in a Japanese compound, which is the moderator in @cite{breiss-katsuda-kawahara-2026}) without doubling the case enumeration.

The three axes:

  • prWdInternal — is this element parsed inside the prosodic word with the stem? Empirically diagnosed by vowel-harmony scope, minimal-word effects, and hiatus-resolution obligation (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).
  • free — can this element stand alone as a wordform? Roots and free morphemes are true; bound roots, inflectional suffixes, and most clitics are false. The Breiss N2 free-vs-bound distinction lives on this axis.
  • affixal — is this element morphologically bound to a stem (vs. a separate lexical word)? Roots are false; affixes, clitics, and bound morphemes are true.

Named constructors below recover the old enum cases.

  • prWdInternal : Bool
  • free : Bool
  • affixal : Bool
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    def Phonology.ProsodicWord.instDecidableEqMorphStatus.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : MorphStatus) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        Root morpheme: PrWd-internal, free-standing, not affixal.

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          Derivational affix: PrWd-internal with the stem, bound, affixal.

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            Inflectional affix (case, number, tense): PrWd-internal, bound.

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              Agreement marker: PrWd-internal (crucially, for Telugu nominal predicative agreement; @cite{aitha-2026} §3.1).

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                Postposition: forms a separate PrWd. Evidence: not subject to progressive vowel harmony, obeys minimal word constraint independently, hiatus resolution across boundary is optional (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2). Free-standing in many languages.

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                  Clitic: PrWd-external boundary element; phonologically bound but syntactically not an affix.

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                    Bound free-standing morpheme that occurs only inside compounds — e.g., the "bound" N2 in Japanese compound nominals. PrWd-internal, not free, not strictly affixal (it's a stem-class member, just one that never surfaces alone).

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                      Is this morphological element parsed inside the PrWd with the stem? Direct projection of the prWdInternal axis.

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                        A prosodic word: a sequence of syllables (by weight) that forms a single domain for stress assignment and phonological processes.

                        The syllables field gives the weight profile in linear order. For example, Telugu samudram 'ocean' has profile [L, L, H] (sa.mu.dram).

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                          def Phonology.ProsodicWord.instDecidableEqPrWd.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : PrWd) :
                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                              Total mora count of a prosodic word.

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                                Number of syllables.

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                                  def Phonology.ProsodicWord.PrWd.satisfiesMinWord (w : PrWd) (minMorae : := 2) :
                                  Bool

                                  Does a prosodic word satisfy the minimal word constraint?

                                  @cite{mccarthy-prince-1993}: the smallest prosodic word must contain at least one foot, which requires at least two morae (for moraic trochee languages) or two syllables (for syllabic trochee languages).

                                  Telugu requires a bimoraic minimum (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2): the shortest standalone words are informal 2SG imperatives like 'come' (CVV = 2μ) and 'go' (CVV = 2μ). No word consists of a single light syllable.

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                                    A morphological element with its prosodic properties. Used to determine how it interacts with the stem's PrWd.

                                    • form : String

                                      Surface form (for documentation).

                                    • status : MorphStatus

                                      Morphological status (determines PrWd membership).

                                    • initialWeight : Syllable.SyllWeight

                                      Weight of the initial syllable. Relevant for the Telugu weak alternation: the long form is triggered when a light initial syllable follows within the PrWd (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).

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                                      def Phonology.ProsodicWord.instDecidableEqMorphElement.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : MorphElement) :
                                      Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                          Does this element trigger the long stem form in Telugu weak nouns?

                                          The long form (-āni) surfaces when the element is:

                                          1. PrWd-internal (inflectional suffix or agreement marker), AND
                                          2. Its initial syllable is light (CV = 1μ)

                                          Postpositions never trigger the long form, even if they begin with a light syllable (e.g., -gurinci 'about', -eduru 'in front of'), because they are PrWd-external.

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                                            Hiatus resolution obligation: within a PrWd, hiatus resolution is obligatory; across PrWd boundaries, it is optional.

                                            @cite{aitha-2026} §3.2: Telugu koṭṭu 'to hit' + -āli 'OBLIG' → koṭṭāli (obligatory deletion of /u/ word-internally), but kukka eduru 'in front of the dog' allows optional retention.

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                                              @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                Determine hiatus resolution obligation from the morphological status of the following element.

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                                                  A single heavy syllable (CVV or CVC) = 2μ: satisfies bimoraic min.

                                                  A single light syllable (CV) = 1μ: violates bimoraic min.

                                                  Two light syllables (CV.CV) = 2μ: satisfies bimoraic min.

                                                  -lō 'in' (CVV = 2μ): satisfies min word as a separate PrWd.

                                                  -kinda 'below' (CVC.CV = 3μ): satisfies min word.

                                                  ACC -ni: PrWd-internal, light → triggers long form.

                                                  DAT -ki: PrWd-internal, light → triggers long form.

                                                  1SG -ni: PrWd-internal (agreement), light → triggers long form.

                                                  P -lō 'in': PrWd-external → does NOT trigger long form.

                                                  P -gurinci 'about': PrWd-external → does NOT trigger long form, even though its initial syllable gu- is light.