Prosodic Word (PrWd) #
@cite{selkirk-1984}
The prosodic word (PrWd, ω) is the prosodic constituent immediately above the foot in the prosodic hierarchy:
σ < f < **ω** < φ < ι
PrWd is the domain for a cluster of phonological processes:
- Stress assignment and metrical parsing
- Vowel harmony (progressive harmony in Telugu)
- Minimal word constraints (bimoraic minimum)
- Obligatory hiatus resolution (within PrWd; optional across PrWd)
Morphosyntax-Prosody Mapping #
Not all morphological elements are PrWd-internal. The mapping from morphosyntactic structure to prosodic structure determines which elements fall within the PrWd and which form their own domain:
| Morphological status | PrWd membership | Example (Telugu) |
|---|---|---|
| Root | Internal | samudr- |
| Derivational suffix | Internal | (not shown) |
| Inflectional suffix | Internal | -am, -ni, -ki |
| Agreement suffix | Internal | -ni (1SG), -vi (2SG) |
| Postposition | External | -lō, -tō, -gurinci |
This boundary is diagnosed by vowel harmony scope, minimal word effects, and obligatory vs optional hiatus resolution (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).
Connection to Linglib #
Features.Prosody defines the prosodic hierarchy levels (σ, f, ω, φ, ι)
and intonational structure. This module provides the internal
structure of the prosodic word: syllable constituency, weight
profiles, minimal word constraints, and the morphosyntax-prosody
mapping that determines PrWd boundaries.
Morphological status of an element relative to the prosodic word,
decomposed into orthogonal Boolean axes rather than a flat
enumeration of named cases. The previous inductive design with cases
root | derivational | ... | clitic conflated three independent
dimensions and made it impossible to add new combinations (e.g., a
"free" vs. "bound" N2 in a Japanese compound, which is the moderator
in @cite{breiss-katsuda-kawahara-2026}) without doubling the case
enumeration.
The three axes:
prWdInternal— is this element parsed inside the prosodic word with the stem? Empirically diagnosed by vowel-harmony scope, minimal-word effects, and hiatus-resolution obligation (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).free— can this element stand alone as a wordform? Roots and free morphemes aretrue; bound roots, inflectional suffixes, and most clitics arefalse. The Breiss N2 free-vs-bound distinction lives on this axis.affixal— is this element morphologically bound to a stem (vs. a separate lexical word)? Roots arefalse; affixes, clitics, and bound morphemes aretrue.
Named constructors below recover the old enum cases.
- prWdInternal : Bool
- free : Bool
- affixal : Bool
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Root morpheme: PrWd-internal, free-standing, not affixal.
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.root = { prWdInternal := true, free := true, affixal := false }
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Derivational affix: PrWd-internal with the stem, bound, affixal.
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.derivational = { prWdInternal := true, free := false, affixal := true }
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Inflectional affix (case, number, tense): PrWd-internal, bound.
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.inflectional = { prWdInternal := true, free := false, affixal := true }
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Agreement marker: PrWd-internal (crucially, for Telugu nominal predicative agreement; @cite{aitha-2026} §3.1).
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.agreement = { prWdInternal := true, free := false, affixal := true }
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Postposition: forms a separate PrWd. Evidence: not subject to progressive vowel harmony, obeys minimal word constraint independently, hiatus resolution across boundary is optional (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2). Free-standing in many languages.
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.postposition = { prWdInternal := false, free := true, affixal := false }
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Clitic: PrWd-external boundary element; phonologically bound but syntactically not an affix.
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.clitic = { prWdInternal := false, free := false, affixal := true }
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Bound free-standing morpheme that occurs only inside compounds — e.g., the "bound" N2 in Japanese compound nominals. PrWd-internal, not free, not strictly affixal (it's a stem-class member, just one that never surfaces alone).
Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.MorphStatus.boundStem = { prWdInternal := true, free := false, affixal := false }
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Is this morphological element parsed inside the PrWd with the stem?
Direct projection of the prWdInternal axis.
Equations
- s.isPrWdInternal = s.prWdInternal
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A prosodic word: a sequence of syllables (by weight) that forms a single domain for stress assignment and phonological processes.
The syllables field gives the weight profile in linear order.
For example, Telugu samudram 'ocean' has profile [L, L, H]
(sa.mu.dram).
- syllables : List Syllable.SyllWeight
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Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.instDecidableEqPrWd.decEq { syllables := a } { syllables := b } = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Phonology.ProsodicWord.instReprPrWd = { reprPrec := Phonology.ProsodicWord.instReprPrWd.repr }
Total mora count of a prosodic word.
Equations
- w.moraCount = List.foldl (fun (x1 : ℕ) (x2 : Phonology.Syllable.SyllWeight) => x1 + x2.morae) 0 w.syllables
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Does a prosodic word satisfy the minimal word constraint?
@cite{mccarthy-prince-1993}: the smallest prosodic word must contain at least one foot, which requires at least two morae (for moraic trochee languages) or two syllables (for syllabic trochee languages).
Telugu requires a bimoraic minimum (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2): the shortest standalone words are informal 2SG imperatives like rā 'come' (CVV = 2μ) and pō 'go' (CVV = 2μ). No word consists of a single light syllable.
Equations
- w.satisfiesMinWord minMorae = decide (w.moraCount ≥ minMorae)
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A morphological element with its prosodic properties. Used to determine how it interacts with the stem's PrWd.
- form : String
Surface form (for documentation).
- status : MorphStatus
Morphological status (determines PrWd membership).
- initialWeight : Syllable.SyllWeight
Weight of the initial syllable. Relevant for the Telugu weak alternation: the long form is triggered when a light initial syllable follows within the PrWd (@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2).
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Does this element trigger the long stem form in Telugu weak nouns?
The long form (-āni) surfaces when the element is:
- PrWd-internal (inflectional suffix or agreement marker), AND
- Its initial syllable is light (CV = 1μ)
Postpositions never trigger the long form, even if they begin with a light syllable (e.g., -gurinci 'about', -eduru 'in front of'), because they are PrWd-external.
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Hiatus resolution obligation: within a PrWd, hiatus resolution is obligatory; across PrWd boundaries, it is optional.
@cite{aitha-2026} §3.2: Telugu koṭṭu 'to hit' + -āli 'OBLIG' → koṭṭāli (obligatory deletion of /u/ word-internally), but kukka eduru 'in front of the dog' allows optional retention.
- obligatory : HiatusObligation
- optional : HiatusObligation
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Equations
- Phonology.ProsodicWord.instDecidableEqHiatusObligation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Determine hiatus resolution obligation from the morphological status of the following element.
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A single heavy syllable (CVV or CVC) = 2μ: satisfies bimoraic min.
A single light syllable (CV) = 1μ: violates bimoraic min.
Two light syllables (CV.CV) = 2μ: satisfies bimoraic min.
-lō 'in' (CVV = 2μ): satisfies min word as a separate PrWd.
-kinda 'below' (CVC.CV = 3μ): satisfies min word.
ACC -ni: PrWd-internal, light → triggers long form.
DAT -ki: PrWd-internal, light → triggers long form.
1SG -ni: PrWd-internal (agreement), light → triggers long form.
P -lō 'in': PrWd-external → does NOT trigger long form.
P -gurinci 'about': PrWd-external → does NOT trigger long form, even though its initial syllable gu- is light.