von Stechow 2009: tenses in compositional semantics #
[vS09]'s theory: tense features are checked against a local evaluation time that shifts under attitude embedding. The key mechanism is feature checking: tense morphology bears a feature ([PAST], [PRES]) that must be checked against the local temporal anchor.
Core Mechanisms #
- Feature checking =
Core.Order.holds(substrate primitive inCore/Time/Tense.lean). The "checking" terminology is von Stechow's; the underlying predicate is the framework-neutralCore.Order.holds feature refTime evalTime. - Perspective shift =
embeddedFrame(substrate primitive inSemantics/Tense/Embedding.lean). The attitude verb sets the embedded eval time = matrix E. von Stechow calls this "perspective shift"; the operation is the framework-neutralembeddedFrame matrixFrame embeddedR embeddedE. - SOT as feature checking: simultaneous reading = [PRES] checked against matrix E (no deletion, no ambiguity).
The paper's second contribution is the situation-indexed attitude
semantics it synthesizes from [Lew79a],
[HK98], and [Ogi89]: believe's complement type
shifts from propositions to situation-dependent propositions
(predicates over Index), and the doxastic alternatives become world–time pairs.
sitBoxAt is the universal modal over situations, with Hintikka
world-only semantics the time-invariant special case
(sitBoxAt_lift_eq_BoxAt); genuinely temporal accessibility
constraints (temporallyBound, futureOriented) are what tie
embedded tense to the matrix event time in sequence of tense.
Advantages Over Abusch #
- Handles relative clause tense: feature checking works in relative clauses where the perspective time is the modified NP's temporal coordinate, not the matrix event time.
- Cleaner compositional architecture: no res movement needed.
[vS09] derives the shifted reading: [PAST] feature checked against matrix E. The embedded reference time is before the matrix event time.
[vS09] derives the simultaneous reading: [PRES] feature checked against matrix E. The embedded reference time equals the matrix event time — no deletion rule needed.
[vS09] derives double-access: [PRES] feature under past attitude verb. The present tense is checked against matrix E, but its indexical nature also requires truth at speech time.
[vS09] derives relative clause tense: the perspective time in a relative clause is the modified NP's temporal coordinate, not necessarily the matrix event time. Feature checking works uniformly regardless of the source of the eval time.
This is where von Stechow has an advantage over [Abu97]: feature checking does not require attitude semantics or res movement — any eval time source works.
[vS09]'s feature checking is
TensePronoun.fullPresupposition when the eval time resolves to
the same value.
Situation-indexed attitudes #
The complement type of believe shifts from W → Prop to
predicates over Index W Time, and doxastic alternatives become world–time pairs:
⟦x believes p⟧(w,t) = ∀(w',t') ∈ Dox_x(w,t). p(w',t').
Universal modal over situations: p holds at every accessible
world–time pair.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.sitBoxAt R agent s situations p = ∀ s' ∈ situations, R agent s s' → p s'
Instances For
Equations
- VonStechow2009.instDecidableSitBoxAtOfDecidablePredIndex R agent s situations p = VonStechow2009.instDecidableSitBoxAtOfDecidablePredIndex._aux_1 R agent s situations p
A world-proposition as a situation-proposition ignoring the temporal coordinate.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.liftProp p s = p s.world
Instances For
A world-accessibility relation as a situation-accessibility relation ignoring temporal coordinates — classic Hintikka behavior, where doxastic alternatives differ only in world.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.liftAccess R agent s₁ s₂ = R agent s₁.world s₂.world
Instances For
Hintikka semantics is the time-invariant special case: on lifted
relations and propositions, the situation modal is BoxAt over
the world projections.
The veridicality check at a situation: veridical predicates require the complement at the evaluation situation.
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Lifted veridicality is world-level veridicality.
A doxastic predicate with situation-indexed accessibility:
Dox_y(w,t) is a set of world–time pairs.
- access : E → Intensional.Index W Time → Intensional.Index W Time → Prop
Situation-indexed accessibility relation.
- veridicality : Features.Veridicality
Veridicality (veridical or not).
Instances For
⟦x V that p⟧(s): the veridicality check at s plus the universal
modal over accessible situations.
Equations
- V.HoldsAt agent p s situations = (VonStechow2009.sitVeridicalityHolds V.veridicality p s ∧ VonStechow2009.sitBoxAt V.access agent s situations p)
Instances For
Veridical situation-indexed predicates entail their complement at the evaluation situation.
A world-level DoxasticPredicate as a situation-indexed one, with
time-invariant accessibility.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.liftDoxastic V Time = { access := VonStechow2009.liftAccess V.access, veridicality := V.veridicality }
Instances For
The lifted predicate has exactly the world-level semantics — any
DoxasticPredicate analysis replays unchanged in the
situation-indexed framework.
Temporal accessibility constraints #
What makes the situation indexing do work beyond the lift: relations that genuinely constrain the temporal coordinate, tying the embedded clause's temporal interpretation to the matrix event time.
Accessible situations share the evaluation time — the simultaneous reading in sequence of tense.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.temporallyBound R agent s₁ s₂ = (R agent s₁.world s₂.world ∧ s₂.time = s₁.time)
Instances For
Equations
- VonStechow2009.instDecidableTemporallyBoundOfDecidableEq R a s₁ s₂ = id inferInstance
Accessible situations are at or after the evaluation time — forward-looking attitudes like expect and intend.
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- VonStechow2009.instDecidableFutureOrientedOfDecidableRelLe R a s₁ s₂ = id inferInstance
Temporal tower bridge ([Abu97] ↔ ContextTower) #
[Abu97]'s De Bruijn temporal indexing is tower-style depth access:
TensePronoun.evalTimeIndex is a depth-relative index into the tower —
when the temporal assignment encodes tower time coordinates
(g k = (tower.contextAt k).time), interpTense agrees with
AccessPattern.resolve — and the perspective shift of this paper is
pushing a temporalShift onto the tower.
Convert a TensePronoun's eval-time index to an AccessPattern that reads
the time coordinate at the corresponding tower depth: evalTimeIndex = 0
is the origin (speech-act context time), evalTimeIndex = k the k-th
embedding's time. Abusch's variable indices ARE tower depth indices for
the temporal coordinate.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.tensePronounAccessPattern tp = { depth := Semantics.Context.DepthSpec.relative tp.evalTimeIndex, project := Semantics.Context.KContext.time }
Instances For
A temporal assignment that faithfully represents a tower: g k returns
the time coordinate at tower depth k.
Equations
- VonStechow2009.towerFaithful g t = ∀ (k : ℕ), g k = (t.contextAt k).time
Instances For
When the temporal assignment encodes tower time coordinates,
interpTense at the eval-time index agrees with resolving
the tensePronounAccessPattern against the tower.
In a root tower (no shifts), evalTimeIndex = 0 accesses the origin
time — root-clause temporal evaluation is origin access, Kaplan's
thesis for time.
The access pattern for a root-clause tense pronoun (evalTimeIndex = 0) resolves to depth 0, the origin.
[vS09]'s perspective shift — the attitude verb transmits
its event time to the embedded clause — as pushing a temporalShift
onto the tower: the updated assignment at the tower depth yields the
new time.
Under faithful encoding, layers below the push point are preserved.
Pushing a temporal shift assigns newTime to the new depth in
the extended tower, mirroring von_stechow_tower on the assignment side.