Von Stechow 1984: Comparing Semantic Theories of Comparison #
[vS84] evaluates eight semantic theories of the comparative —
[Rus05], [Pos74], [Wil77], [Seu73],
[Lew70], [Kle80], [Cre76b], [Hel81] — against
nine phenomena (table (xvii)) and synthesizes them: Russellian definite
descriptions of degrees plus an ACTUALLY operator. Russell's ambiguity
("I thought your yacht was larger than it is") is the presence or
absence of ACTUALLY in the than-clause, not degree-operator scope.
Example stimuli live in Data.Examples.VonStechow1984 (Examples.*).
Main definitions #
deReComparative,deDictoComparative: Russell's ambiguity as an ACTUALLY-anchored vs belief-world than-clause standard (§§II–V)moreSem,asSem: synthesis rules R4 (additive more) and R5 (multiplicative as) (§XIII)
Main results #
deDicto_absurd: the ACTUALLY-less reading is contradictorymaxDeg_witness: modal comparatives asIsGreatestover accessible worlds (§VIII)klein_agrees_on_simple: the degree-free ordering matches degree comparison on simple comparatives, not on differentials (§XI)moreSem_exceeds_counterfactual_worlds: R13 — too asmoreSemwith a counterfactual threshold (§XIII.6)
Intensional degree semantics (§§II–V) #
deReComparative vs deDictoComparative is von Stechow's analysis of
Russell's ambiguity ((1), Examples.yacht): the than-clause standard is
either ACTUALLY-anchored to the actual world or evaluated in the belief
world — no degree-operator scope is involved. The ambiguous counterfactual
((26), Examples.ex26, §III) works the same way: its trivial reading's
clauses are de dicto self-comparisons, contradictory by deDicto_absurd.
Comparative between world-indexed measures (R3): a exceeds b at w.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.intensionalComparative μ w a b = (μ w a > μ w b)
Instances For
A rigid measure reduces intensionalComparative to the extensional
comparativeSem.
De re reading of "I thought your yacht was larger than it is": the
than-clause standard is ACTUALLY-anchored — evaluated at the actual world
w₀ — while the matrix is evaluated at the belief world wBel.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.deReComparative μ w₀ wBel x = (μ wBel x > μ w₀ x)
Instances For
De dicto reading: no ACTUALLY, so standard and matrix are both evaluated
at wBel.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.deDictoComparative μ wBel x = (μ wBel x > μ wBel x)
Instances For
The de dicto reading is contradictory.
(v) (Examples.exV; §§VI–VII): a disjunctive standard entails both
disjuncts — the downward-entailingness of the than-clause that also
licenses its NPIs (Degree.comparative_than_DE;
Ladusaw1979.licensingStrength .clausalComparative = .antiAdditive).
"A polar bear could be bigger than a grizzly bear could be" ((x),
Examples.exX; §VIII): if the greatest possible A-degree over the
accessible worlds exceeds the greatest possible B-degree, some accessible
A-world beats every B-world.
Klein's degree-free ordering ([Kle80]; §XI) matches degree
comparison on simple comparatives via measureDelineation; the divergence
is confined to differential and factor constructions ((171a)–(171c)).
R4: ⟦more⟧(d₁)(A⁰)(d₂)(x) iff A⁰(x, d₁ + d₂) with monotone A⁰ —
the differential d₁ plus the than-clause maximum d₂.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.moreSem μ x d₁ d₂ = (d₁ + d₂ ≤ μ x)
Instances For
R5: ⟦as⟧ multiplies where R4 adds ("twice as fat", (171b)).
Equations
- VonStechow1984.asSem μ x d₁ d₂ = (d₁ * d₂ ≤ μ x)
Instances For
R4 with a positive differential and d₂ = μ b yields the bare
comparative.
An exact differential entails R4's at-least semantics.
R5 at factor 1 is the equative.
A tight factor phrase entails R5's at-least semantics.
R13 (p. 69, §XIII.6): ⟦too⟧(d₁)(A⁰)(p)(x) = the max.d [x is d-A⁰] λd₂ [p □→ A⁰(x, d₂ − d₁)] — too is R4's moreSem with a
counterfactually determined threshold (DegP head Degree.Head.excessive):
when the threshold is greatest over the accessible worlds, being excess
too A puts the actual degree above every accessible world's degree.