Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Stojkovic2026

Slavic Verbalizer [Sto26a] #

Stojković (2026) argues the Slavic verbalizer (VBLZ) suffix used in secondary imperfectivisation has a single abstract underlying representation (a defective diphthong) across all Slavic; surface alternation is derived by OT constraint ranking.

Empirical Data #

Three-way surface alternation across Slavic:

GroupINF stem VCLanguages
[ov] group[ov]Polish, Czech, Slovak, U/L Sorbian,...
[ov]/[ev][ov]∼[ev]BCMS, Slovenian, Russian,...
[uv] group[uv]Ukrainian, Lemko Rusyn, Bulgarian, Maced.

Where the VBLZ precedes the theme vowel /-je-/ in the present, the present stem is the single vowel [u] and the VC alternation is confined to the infinitive stem (before /-a-/). Bulgarian and Macedonian are the exception: having lost the INF/PRS distinction, they have /-a-/ after the VBLZ in both stems, so the VC sequence [uv] surfaces throughout (Table 1).

Candidates #

The VBLZ in the pre-vocalic context (before the thematic /-a-/) can surface as one of five candidates, differing in how the unspecified slot of the diphthong is resolved:

CandidateVowelMechanism
[ov][o] = [+back, −high]epenthesise [+back] and [−high]
[ev][e] = [−back, −high]share [−back] from palatal, epenthesise [−high]
[uv][u] = [+back, +high]epenthesise [+back] and [+high]
[iv][i] = [−back, +high]share [−back] from palatal, epenthesise [+high]
[u]monophthongdelete the unspecified slot

Constraints #

Six constraints, of which two (NOHIATUS, SPECIFY) are undominated and four (*SHARE[−back], DEP[+back], DEP[−high], DEP[+high]) are variable:

Note: DEP[+high] is implicit in Stojković's analysis. Without it, [uv] harmonically bounds [ov] (strictly fewer violations at every constraint), making it impossible for any ranking to select [ov]. The paper derives the same effect from the markedness of [+high] vs [−high]: [−high] is the cross-linguistically unmarked epenthetic height (p. 14), while [+high] epenthesis incurs an implicit faithfulness cost. Making this explicit as DEP[+high] yields the correct factorial typology.

Factorial Typology #

[Sto26a]'s own factorial typology (31) ranks three constraints (*SHARE[−back], DEP[+back], DEP[−high]) and derives the three attested patterns — [ov], the context-sensitive [ov][ev], and [uv] — plus a hypothetical [uv][iv] (31f). In pure OT those three constraints leave [uv] harmonically bounding [ov] (§4.2, p. 14), which the paper resolves by the markedness of [−high] epenthesis rather than a constraint. Making that preference explicit as DEP[+high], the 4! = 24 permutations of the four variable constraints here yield four singleton optima — {[ov]}, {[ev]}, {[uv]}, {[iv]} — the first three attested, [iv] unattested ((32): the hypothetical Ukrainian [uv]~[iv] pairs).

Candidates #

Candidate surface realisations of the VBLZ, each a resolution of the defective diphthong. This is the typed surface-form inventory used throughout the file (no stringly-typed forms).

  • ov : VBLZCandidate

    [ov]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [o] via epenthetic [+back, −high].

  • ev : VBLZCandidate

    [ev]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [e] via shared [−back], epenthetic [−high].

  • uv : VBLZCandidate

    [uv]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [u] via epenthetic [+back, +high].

  • iv : VBLZCandidate

    [iv]: diphthong fissions, slot 1 → [i] via shared [−back], epenthetic [+high].

  • uMono : VBLZCandidate

    [u]: monophthong — the unspecified slot is deleted. Before a vowel this yields a hiatus ([u.a], penalised by NOHIATUS); before a consonant (the /-je-/ present) it is the licit single vowel [u].

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      Empirical data #

      Representative Slavic languages exhibiting secondary imperfectivisation.

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          The three surface-form groups for the VBLZ in the infinitive stem.

          • ovGroup : VBLZGroup

            Always [ov], regardless of preceding consonant.

          • ovEvGroup : VBLZGroup

            [ov] after non-palatals, [ev] after palatals.

          • uvGroup : VBLZGroup

            Always [uv], regardless of preceding consonant.

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              A VBLZ datum: language, infinitive-stem and present-stem surface candidate.

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                def Stojkovic2026.instDecidableEqVBLZDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : VBLZDatum) :
                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                      Bulgarian and Macedonian lack the INF/PRS distinction: the VBLZ precedes the theme vowel /-a-/ in both stems, so the VC sequence [uv] surfaces in the present too. All other languages have /-je-/ in the present, where the VBLZ is the single vowel [u] ([Sto26a], Table 1, §4.4).

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                        The present stem is the single vowel [u] exactly in the languages with a /-je-/ present; Bulgarian and Macedonian surface the VC sequence [uv] throughout — the paper's central cross-Slavic exception ([Sto26a], Table 1, §4.4).

                        Each datum's infinitive stem is one of its language's group forms.

                        Constraints #

                        NOHIATUS: assign * for adjacent vowels. In the pre-vocalic evaluation the monophthong .uMono realises [u] next to /-a-/, creating the hiatus this constraint penalises.

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                          SPECIFY(•→[F]): assign * for an unspecified base node. Only the fully faithful candidate (not in our candidate set) violates it, so it is vacuously satisfied here; included for faithfulness to the paper's set.

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                            *SHARE[−back]: don't copy [−back] from an adjacent palatal. Violated by [ev] and [iv] (both share [−back]).

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                              DEP[−high]: don't epenthesise [−high]. Violated by [ov] and [ev] (mid vowels).

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                                DEP[+high]: don't epenthesise [+high]. Violated by [uv] and [iv] (high vowels).

                                Implicit in [Sto26a]: without it [uv] harmonically bounds [ov], so no ranking selects [ov]. The paper derives the same effect from the markedness of [+high] vs [−high] (p. 14: "The feature [−high] is cross-linguistically more likely to be unmarked compared to [+high].").

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                                  The four variable constraints (excluding the undominated NOHIATUS and vacuous SPECIFY), permuted in the factorial typology.

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                                    Group-specific rankings #

                                    [ov]-group ranking, adapted from [Sto26a] (17). The paper's (17) is NOHIATUS; SPECIFY ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[−high] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ MAX•, with [ov]≻[uv] following from the markedness of [−high] epenthesis (p. 14) rather than a constraint; we make that preference explicit via DEP[+high], giving *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[+high] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[−high].

                                    *SHARE[−back] high: sharing [−back] from palatals is banned. DEP[+high] high: [+high] epenthesis is costly, so the unmarked [−high] surfaces → mid [o].

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                                      [ov]/[ev]-group ranking, adapted from [Sto26a] (21). The paper's (21) is NOHIATUS; SPECIFY ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[−high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ MAX•; with DEP[+high] made explicit: DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[+high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[−high].

                                      DEP[+back] high: epenthesising [+back] is banned. After a palatal, sharing [−back] is the only option → [ev]; after a non-palatal, [−high] epenthesis yields [ov] (a separate, non-palatal evaluation — not modelled here).

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                                        [uv]-group ranking, adapted from [Sto26a] (29). The paper's (29) is NOHIATUS; SPECIFY ≫ DEP[−high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ MAX•; we keep that order and replace the bottom MAX• with the explicit DEP[+high]: DEP[−high] ≫ *SHARE[−back] ≫ DEP[+back] ≫ DEP[+high].

                                        DEP[−high] high: epenthesising [−high] is banned → [+high] surfaces. *SHARE[−back] above DEP[+back]: epenthesising [+back] is cheaper than sharing [−back] → back vowel [u] surfaces.

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                                          Optimality theorems #

                                          The [ov]-group ranking selects [ov] as the unique optimum.

                                          The [ov]/[ev] ranking selects [ev] in the palatal context. (Non-palatally, [ev] and [iv] are unavailable — no palatal to share [−back] — and [ov] wins; that contextual split is not modelled in this single tableau.)

                                          The [uv]-group ranking selects [uv] as the unique optimum.

                                          Factorial typology #

                                          This file's four-constraint factorial typology (the three sharing/epenthesis constraints plus the explicit DEP[+high]) over the four fission candidates produces exactly four distinct optimal sets: {[ov]}, {[ev]}, {[uv]}, {[iv]}. [Sto26a]'s own typology (31) is over three constraints and yields the three attested groups (with [ov][ev] one context-sensitive grammar) plus a hypothetical [uv][iv]; see the module docstring.

                                          [iv] is the unattested optimum: the factorial typology predicts an [iv] grammar ({.iv} is among the optima), yet no attested Slavic language surfaces the [iv] form — every group's inventory is one of [ov]/[ev]/[uv] ([Sto26a], (31f)–(32): the Ukrainian [uv]~[iv] pairs are hypothetical and unattested).

                                          Bridge to empirical data #

                                          The OT-optimal candidate for each group (ov_optimal/ev_optimal/uv_optimal) is among that group's attested forms; [ov] also figures in the [ov]/[ev] group's inventory.