Documentation

Linglib.Studies.SolstadBott2024

[SB24]: Cataphoric resolution of projective content — occasion verbs #

[SB24] [TBRS13] [TBD18] [Hei83] [Sch08c] [Sch09a]

Three rating experiments (S&P 17:11) establish occasion verbs (German bestrafen "punish", kritisieren "criticise", danken "thank", …) as a new class of projective-content trigger. Occasion verbs are interpersonal action verbs whose agent acts in response to a presupposed prior eventuality — the occasion. "The judge punished Peter" asserts a punishing action and presupposes that Peter did something wrong.

This file formalizes the paper's structural claims, not its statistics:

Tonhauser et al. (2013) classification #

Occasion verbs are Class C (SCF=no, OLE=yes), with factives (know) and change-of-state verbs (stop), but are distinguished by bidirectional context resolution and symmetric filtering — "a cage of their own".

Main declarations #

Filtering direction and context resolution #

Filtering direction for presupposition triggers. [SB24] Exp 3 shows occasion verbs allow symmetric filtering, while factives and change-of-state verbs only allow left-to-right filtering.

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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      Context-resolution direction, refining [TBRS13]'s "m-positive" by where the resolving material can appear.

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        @[implicit_reducible]
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          Occasion verbs are Class C triggers #

          German occasion-verb inventory #

          The 16 German occasion verbs tested in [SB24], derived from Fragment entries with the .occasion sense tag.

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            16 occasion verbs were tested.

            All entries in the occasion-verb list use the .occasion sense tag.

            All entries in the occasion-verb list are soft presupposition triggers.

            "A cage of their own" #

            The cataphoric-resolution and symmetric-filtering findings are encoded as typed profile fields, so the paper's qualitative result — occasion verbs differ from factives despite sharing Class C — is a theorem about the profiles rather than a threshold on regression estimates.

            Profile of a trigger across the dimensions tested by [SB24].

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              def SolstadBott2024.instDecidableEqTriggerProfile.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : TriggerProfile) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  Occasion verbs: Class C, bidirectional (anaphoric + cataphoric) resolution, symmetric filtering.

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                    Factives/aspectuals: Class C, no SCF constraint (neutral ≈ anaphoric in Exp 1), left-to-right filtering only ([MZRS20]).

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                      Despite sharing Class C, occasion verbs differ from factives — the "cage of their own" result.

                      The distinguishing features are filtering direction and bidirectional resolution, not the projective class.

                      Occasion-verb presupposition as EventPhase #

                      Model an occasion verb's presupposition as an EventPhase. "The judge punished Peter": precondition = Peter did something wrong (the occasion); eventOccurs = the punishing action; consequence = Peter is punished. The precondition projects.

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                        The occasion presupposition projects through negation: "The judge didn't punish Peter" still presupposes Peter did something wrong.

                        Asymmetric filtering ([Hei83]) #

                        Under Heim's asymmetric filtering, the local context at a conditional antecedent is the global context, so an occasion verb there projects. "If the judge punishes Peter, he was convicted": at "punishes" the presupposition is not entailed → projects.

                        Symmetric filtering ([Sch08c], [Sch09a]) #

                        Symmetric filtering makes the consequent's assertion available to the local context at the antecedent.

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                          When the consequent entails the occasion presupposition, symmetric filtering predicts it is filtered.

                          Bridge to [SB22] #

                          Occasion verbs are the agent-evocator class of [SB22]: the same underspecified eventuality that drives the NP2 implicit-causality bias is the projecting occasion. The IC bias and the presupposition are distinct — occasion verbs and experiencer-stimulus psych verbs share the NP2 bias, yet occasion verbs are far more projective (Exp 2: .69 vs .52; see the prediction section).

                          Occasion verbs are the agent-evocator class; their predicted IC bias is NP2.

                          IC bias and projectivity dissociate: occasion verbs share the NP2 bias with experiencer-stimulus psych verbs, yet (by the Exp 2 data pooled in Generalizations.Projectivity) project more strongly. The shared bias is structural; the projectivity gap is empirical.

                          Predicting against the data #

                          The Exp 1–2 projectivity/at-issueness means are artifact-sourced rows in Data.Examples.SolstadBott2024, pooled into Generalizations.Projectivity.allData alongside [TBD18]. Occasion verbs (proj .79/.69, at-issueness .32/.35) sit in the high-projectivity / low-at-issueness quadrant — patterning with established triggers and above the GPP diagonal (they project more than their at-issueness predicts, the mirror of establish). Psychological verbs (SE .54/.52, ES .52/.46) are midrange, off the GPP pattern. These per-row facts are computed over allData; the provable content is the account's systematic error.

                          Content that projects above its not-at-issueness — occasion verbs — is under-predicted by the GPP's tight reading (gppProjection). The mirror of [TBD18]'s below-diagonal establish.