[SB24]: Cataphoric resolution of projective content — occasion verbs #
[SB24] [TBRS13] [TBD18] [Hei83] [Sch08c] [Sch09a]
Three rating experiments (S&P 17:11) establish occasion verbs (German bestrafen "punish", kritisieren "criticise", danken "thank", …) as a new class of projective-content trigger. Occasion verbs are interpersonal action verbs whose agent acts in response to a presupposed prior eventuality — the occasion. "The judge punished Peter" asserts a punishing action and presupposes that Peter did something wrong.
This file formalizes the paper's structural claims, not its statistics:
- Projectivity (Exps 1–2, Block 2): occasion verbs pattern with established
triggers — high projectivity, low at-issueness — and separate from psych verbs.
The per-expression means feed
Generalizations.Projectivity(see below). - Cataphoric resolution (Exps 1–2, Block 1): occasion verbs are felicitous
in both m-anaphoric and m-cataphoric contexts (the resolving material may
precede or follow the trigger). This is unique to occasion verbs among the
triggers tested. Effect sizes (e.g. neutral→anaphoric β ≈ 22, neutral→cataphoric
β ≈ 18 on the 0–100 scale, both p < .001) are reported in prose, per project
convention; the qualitative claim is encoded by
ContextPolarity. - Symmetric filtering (Exp 3): in conjoined conditional antecedents, occasion
verbs filter regardless of conjunct order (trigger-first ≈ trigger-last,
|t| ≈ 1), whereas factive/aspectual ([MZRS20]) triggers filter
only left-to-right (trigger-last ≪ trigger-first, |t| ≈ 16). Encoded by
FilteringDirection.
Tonhauser et al. (2013) classification #
Occasion verbs are Class C (SCF=no, OLE=yes), with factives (know) and change-of-state verbs (stop), but are distinguished by bidirectional context resolution and symmetric filtering — "a cage of their own".
Main declarations #
FilteringDirection,ContextPolarity— the typed axes that encode the cataphoric-resolution and symmetric-filtering findings.occasionVerbProfilevsfactiveProfile—cage_of_their_ownproves they differ despite sharing Class C.occasionEventPhase,symmetricLocalCtxAntecedent— the presupposition as anEventPhaseand the Heim/Schlenker filtering models.gpp_underpredicts_above_diagonal— occasion verbs project above the GPP diagonal (the mirror of [TBD18]'sestablish).
Filtering direction and context resolution #
Filtering direction for presupposition triggers. [SB24] Exp 3 shows occasion verbs allow symmetric filtering, while factives and change-of-state verbs only allow left-to-right filtering.
- leftToRight : FilteringDirection
- symmetric : FilteringDirection
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- SolstadBott2024.instDecidableEqFilteringDirection x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Context-resolution direction, refining [TBRS13]'s "m-positive" by where the resolving material can appear.
- mNeutral : ContextPolarity
- mAnaphoric : ContextPolarity
- mCataphoric : ContextPolarity
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- SolstadBott2024.instDecidableEqContextPolarity x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Occasion verbs are Class C triggers #
Occasion verbs are Class C in the [TBRS13] taxonomy: SCF=no (can be informative), OLE=yes (attributed to attitude holder).
Class C triggers do not require prior establishment in context.
Class C triggers have obligatory local effect under belief embedding.
Occasion verbs pattern with stop and know — all Class C.
German occasion-verb inventory #
The 16 German occasion verbs tested in [SB24], derived from
Fragment entries with the .occasion sense tag.
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16 occasion verbs were tested.
All entries in the occasion-verb list use the .occasion sense tag.
All entries in the occasion-verb list are soft presupposition triggers.
"A cage of their own" #
The cataphoric-resolution and symmetric-filtering findings are encoded as typed profile fields, so the paper's qualitative result — occasion verbs differ from factives despite sharing Class C — is a theorem about the profiles rather than a threshold on regression estimates.
Profile of a trigger across the dimensions tested by [SB24].
- projectiveClass : Semantics.Presupposition.ProjectiveContent.ProjectiveClass
- contextPolarities : List ContextPolarity
- filteringDirection : FilteringDirection
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Occasion verbs: Class C, bidirectional (anaphoric + cataphoric) resolution, symmetric filtering.
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Factives/aspectuals: Class C, no SCF constraint (neutral ≈ anaphoric in Exp 1), left-to-right filtering only ([MZRS20]).
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Occasion verbs share Class C with factives.
Despite sharing Class C, occasion verbs differ from factives — the "cage of their own" result.
The distinguishing features are filtering direction and bidirectional resolution, not the projective class.
Occasion-verb presupposition as EventPhase #
Model an occasion verb's presupposition as an EventPhase. "The judge
punished Peter": precondition = Peter did something wrong (the occasion);
eventOccurs = the punishing action; consequence = Peter is punished. The
precondition projects.
Equations
- SolstadBott2024.occasionEventPhase occasion engagement outcome = { precondition := occasion, eventOccurs := engagement, consequence := outcome }
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The occasion presupposition projects through negation: "The judge didn't punish Peter" still presupposes Peter did something wrong.
Under Heim's asymmetric filtering, the local context at a conditional antecedent is the global context, so an occasion verb there projects. "If the judge punishes Peter, he was convicted": at "punishes" the presupposition is not entailed → projects.
Symmetric filtering makes the consequent's assertion available to the local context at the antecedent.
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When the consequent entails the occasion presupposition, symmetric filtering predicts it is filtered.
Bridge to [SB22] #
Occasion verbs are the agent-evocator class of [SB22]: the same underspecified eventuality that drives the NP2 implicit-causality bias is the projecting occasion. The IC bias and the presupposition are distinct — occasion verbs and experiencer-stimulus psych verbs share the NP2 bias, yet occasion verbs are far more projective (Exp 2: .69 vs .52; see the prediction section).
Occasion verbs are the agent-evocator class; their predicted IC bias is NP2.
Predicting against the data #
The Exp 1–2 projectivity/at-issueness means are artifact-sourced rows in
Data.Examples.SolstadBott2024, pooled into Generalizations.Projectivity.allData
alongside [TBD18]. Occasion verbs (proj .79/.69,
at-issueness .32/.35) sit in the high-projectivity / low-at-issueness quadrant —
patterning with established triggers and above the GPP diagonal (they project
more than their at-issueness predicts, the mirror of establish). Psychological
verbs (SE .54/.52, ES .52/.46) are midrange, off the GPP pattern. These per-row
facts are computed over allData; the provable content is the account's
systematic error.
Content that projects above its not-at-issueness — occasion verbs — is
under-predicted by the GPP's tight reading (gppProjection). The mirror of
[TBD18]'s below-diagonal establish.