Siloni (2012): Reciprocal verbs and symmetry #
Beyond periphrastic reciprocals (each other), languages have reciprocal
verbs — predicates that express reciprocity without an anaphoric object,
carried as Verb.Reciprocal entries. [Sil12] (building on
[Sil08]) splits them by where reciprocalization applies — the
Formation parameter of Syntax/Reciprocal.lean, an instance of
[RS05]'s lex-syn parameter — and derives nine clustering
properties from that split alone: "the distinctions all follow from the
fact that the two types of verbs are formed in different components of the
grammar."
Reciprocalization acts on argument structure: reciprocalize takes a
transitive RoleList and returns an intransitive one whose subject
carries both base profiles' entailments — as [RS05]'s
bundled complex [θᵢ · θⱼ] role in the lexicon ((35)–(36)), or as two
separately assigned roles via last-resort parasitic assignment in the
syntax ((43), the Merger ledger, which also derives the raising/passive
ban and the ECM derivation (63)). Event-semantically the two loci share
one mechanism, [Lan00b]'s group operators (Plurality.GroupStructure)
in both domains: a symmetric verb is a set of atomic events whose complex
role assigns the group atom over an unordered pair, related to its base
by fn. 17's meaning postulate (Verb.SymmetricDenotation, in
Syntax/Category/Verb/Symmetric.lean), from which (41) — the underlying
directional events — is derived (underlying_of_symmetric);
the syntactic reciprocal has the accumulation reading ((46b),
AccumulationReading) and the up-packed singular reading ((47),
GroupEventReading), whose content provably coincides with the symmetric
verb's (GroupEventReading.underlyingReading). Since the "I" reading of
embedded reciprocals ([Hig80]; the LF-decomposed periphrastic
arm is Studies/HeimLasnikMay1991.lean) requires a sub-event reading
plus a sole-role subject, both verb types lack it
(I_reading_iff_periphrastic).
The nine surface properties derive from four affordances of the locus of
application (pluralEventsAvailable per generalization (29),
storesOutputs, spansPredicates, reducesAccusative): the paper's
concluding table is a theorem (predictedProperties_lexical), as is the
perfect complementarity of the two clusters. The paper's eleven-language
sample is recorded per-language (hebrew … bulgarian).
The §3 case against an object-clitic analysis of se is formalized as
three diagnostics — functions from the verb's grid to an observable — on
which the rival transitive grid and the reciprocalized grid diverge and
the data side with reciprocalization: Czech depictive case agreement
(depictive_diagnostic), comparative-ellipsis remnants
(ellipsis_diagnostic), and [Kay75]'s faire-causative causee
marking (causative_diagnostic).
Three further pieces of the paper's argument are worked out against the
substrate: the periphrastic sub-event reading is derived from
[HLM91]'s each∘other LF rather than stipulated
(accumulation_of_eachOtherLF); the (15)/(16) count-adverbial contrast is
modeled — five atomic mutual events with inaccessible parts versus five
accumulation events with ten accessible directional parts
(card_mutualEvent, mutualEvent_not_subEventReading,
accumulated_subEventReading); and the discontinuous construction is the
dyadic realization of a symmetric entry (§7.5), commutative in its two
arguments and entailing the crossed directional events
(dyadicReading_comm, DyadicReading.underlying).
Three-way reciprocal classification (§2.4) #
The three classes of reciprocal constructions (§2.4).
- periphrastic : Construction
Reciprocal anaphor in object position (each other, l'un l'autre); the subject bears one θ-role.
- lexicalVerb : Construction
Reciprocal verb formed in the lexicon by θ-role bundling (§4.1); the subject bears a complex [Agent-Theme] role and the verb is symmetric.
- syntacticVerb : Construction
Reciprocal verb formed in the syntax by a clitic (§4.2); the subject bears two θ-roles via parasitic assignment.
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- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqConstruction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- Siloni2012.instReprConstruction = { reprPrec := Siloni2012.instReprConstruction.repr }
The reciprocal-verb class determined by formation locus.
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The lex-syn architecture (§3.5, §§5–6) #
Four affordances of a locus of application, each carrying one of the
paper's mechanisms; the nine surface properties are computed from them in
predictedProperties.
Generalization (29): "plural events are not part of the lexicon's
inventory" (§3.5) — sub-event accumulation is available only in the
syntactic derivation, so lexicon-formed reciprocals denote atomic
events (Verb.SymmetricDenotation), whose underlying events are
recovered only by dissolution.
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Whether the operation's outputs are stored entries. Applying within the
inventory, the lexical operation may also take frozen entries as input
(Verb.Reciprocal.IsFrozen); stored outputs can drift, head idioms,
and feed lexical nominalization, and listing caps productivity
(§5.3, §6).
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Whether the operation sees the θ-roles of two distinct predicates, as in ECM configurations (§5.2); the lexical operation manipulates a single entry.
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Whether the operation must reduce accusative case whichever argument it suppresses ([RS05]); the syntactic clitic instead absorbs the suppressed argument's own case (§5.1).
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The locus where a construction's reciprocity is composed: in the lexicon only for lexical reciprocal verbs; periphrastic reciprocity is composed by the anaphor's plural operator in the syntax (§2.4).
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Whether reciprocity is built from sub-events: plural events must be available where it is composed (§2.2, generalization (29)).
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Symmetric verbs and reciprocal readings (§2.2, §4.1–4.2) #
Neo-Davidsonian format after [Lan00b]: verbs are sets of events,
θ-roles are functions from events to individuals, and both the individual
and the event domain are semilattices carrying the group operators.
fn. 17's lexical format of V_SYM is the substrate contract
Verb.SymmetricDenotation; here it meets Siloni's numbered readings and
the derivation of (41).
Two base-verb events realizing the two directions between d₁ and
d₂ — the kernel shared by (41b), (46b), and (47).
Equations
- Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂ = (e₁ ∈ V ∧ e₂ ∈ V ∧ ag e₁ = d₁ ∧ th e₁ = d₂ ∧ ag e₂ = d₂ ∧ th e₂ = d₁)
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The accumulation reading of a syntactic reciprocal ((46b)): the event is the plain sum of the two directional sub-events.
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- Siloni2012.AccumulationReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The singular-event reading of a syntactic reciprocal ((47)): up
packs the sum of the directional sub-events into an atomic group
event.
Equations
- Siloni2012.GroupEventReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e = GE.up (e₁ ⊔ e₂) ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The content of (41b): the event's dissolution is the sum of two directional base events.
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- Siloni2012.UnderlyingReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), GE.down e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The sub-event reading (§2.2): the event decomposes into two proper parts realizing the two directions.
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- Siloni2012.SubEventReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e₁ < e ∧ e₂ < e ∧ e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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An event with the sub-event reading has proper parts, so it is not atomic.
Incomparable crossed sub-events yield the sub-event reading — the accumulation reading makes sub-events visible ((46b)).
On the singular-event reading too, counting sees one event: group events are atoms.
"The interpretation in (47) is identical to that of kiss_SYM (41b)": the group-event reading's dissolution content coincides with what the symmetric verb's postulate delivers.
(41): ∃e [kiss_SYM(e) ∧ [Ag-Th](e, John and Mary)] entails two
underlying directional kissings — Verb.SymmetricDenotation's meaning
postulate ((36)'s SYM marking, fn. 17) applied.
A symmetric verb's events admit no sub-event reading for any predicate and roles whatsoever: the underlying events are invisible to counting and modification (§2.2).
Reciprocalization on argument structure (§4.1–4.2) #
Reciprocalization eliminates the internal argument position and leaves the
subject carrying both profiles' entailments — a bundled complex role in
the lexicon ((35)–(36)), two separately assigned roles in the syntax
((43)). On the Dowty substrate the profile content is EntailmentProfile's
join over a transitive RoleList; realizes [Cre25]'s
Voice.reciprocalization coding-frame operation (both core roles
cumulated, derived construction intransitive).
Reciprocalization ((35)): the internal position is eliminated and its
profile bundled onto the subject; "the bundle [θᵢ - θⱼ] retains the
thematic properties of [θᵢ] and [θⱼ]" (reciprocalize_dominates).
Equations
- Siloni2012.reciprocalize r = { subjectProfile := match r.objectProfile with | some o => r.subjectProfile ⊔ o | none => r.subjectProfile }
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Reciprocalization denucleativizes: no internal argument survives.
The reciprocalized subject retains the base subject's Proto-Agent entailments and inherits the object's Proto-Patient entailments — the Czech depictive (§3.1) and comparative-ellipsis (§3.2) diagnostics.
For any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object, the reciprocalized subject bears a complex role (§4.1).
A reciprocal verb entry's bundled subject role is the subject of its reciprocalized base grid: the entry-level and grid-level operations agree.
Against an object-clitic analysis of se (§3) #
The rival analysis keeps the base transitive grid, with se realizing the
internal argument; reciprocalization instead removes the internal position
and leaves the subject with both roles. Three diagnostics decide, each a
function from the verb's grid to an observable. Czech depictives agree in
case with the argument they are predicated of ((17)): with se, a
depictive construing with the Theme is nominative ((18)) — the Theme sits
on the subject. The comparative-ellipsis remnant construes with a
case-marked argument position: transitives allow subject and object
readings ((19a)), se-verbs only the subject reading ((19b)), and an
accusative remnant is ungrammatical ((20)) because no accusative argument
exists. And [Kay75]'s causative generalization introduces the causee
of a transitive with dative à and leaves an intransitive's causee bare
((25a–b)): se-verbs take the bare causee ((25d)), patterning with
intransitives even though a genuine object clitic patterns transitively
((25c)). The fourth diagnostic — derived subjects never reciprocalize
(§3.4, (26)) — is Merger.eq_of_assigned_nil below.
[Kay75]'s causative generalization (§3.3): under faire, the causee of an object-taking predicate is introduced by dative à; an intransitive's causee stays bare accusative.
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- Siloni2012.causeeRegion r = if r.objectProfile.isSome = true then ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.dative else ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.accAbs
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(25a) vs (25d): keeping the transitive grid predicts the dative à-causee; reciprocalization predicts the bare causee. Pierre a fait s'embrasser Jean et Marie decides for reciprocalization.
The case of a depictive construing with the Theme (§3.1): accusative if the internal role sits on an object ((17)), nominative if it sits on the subject.
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- Siloni2012.themeDepictiveRegion r = if r.objectProfile.isSome = true then ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.accAbs else ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.nomErg
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(18): with se, the theme-oriented depictive is nominative, and licitly so — the reciprocalized subject bears the object's Proto-Patient entailments; the object-clitic grid predicts accusative.
The comparative remnant construes with a grid position (§3.2): the transitive offers two readings ((19a)), the reciprocalized grid one ((19b)); with no object there is no accusative remnant ((20)–(21)).
Parasitic assignment (§4.2, (43); the ECM derivation (63)) #
The syntactic operation forms no complex role: se reduces case (43a), the internal role is retained on the verbal projection, and a retained role is assigned upon merger of another θ-argument — a last-resort step (43b). Raising and passive subjects arrive by internal merge, which assigns no role, so a retained role can never discharge on them: derived subjects never reciprocalize ((45), §3.4). In the ECM derivation (63), the embedded verb's unassigned Agent survives the EPP-deficient TP and rides the matrix external merger: Jean ends θk+θi.
Merger against the verbal projection's retained-role ledger ((43), (63)): canonical θ-merger discharges one role; se-marked parasitic merger discharges the merging role together with every retained role (last resort); internal merge (movement) discharges nothing.
- canonical (m : Bool) (θ : ThetaRole) (rest : List ThetaRole) : Merger m (θ :: rest) [θ] rest
- parasitic (θ : ThetaRole) (retained : List ThetaRole) : retained ≠ [] → Merger true (θ :: retained) (θ :: retained) []
- internalMerge (m : Bool) (pending : List ThetaRole) : Merger m pending [] pending
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Without the morphology there is no parasitic assignment: no argument receives two roles — the marking requirement "rules out the sole potential case of overgeneration" (§4.3 end).
Two θ-roles land on one argument only via the marked last resort — §4.3's sole-role diagnosis, covering (63)'s ECM case, where both roles are agentive and profile mixture would not show.
A merger that assigns no role is movement and leaves the ledger intact: derived subjects never discharge a retained role ((45), §3.4).
The nine-property cluster (§§2–7) #
The nine empirical properties that distinguish lexical from syntactic
reciprocal verbs, in the order of the paper's concluding enumeration.
Each Bool records whether the property holds for a formation type.
- singularEvent : Bool
(i) Reciprocity involves a singular atomic event: count adverbials (five times) yield N mutual events, not 2N directional sub-events (§2.2–2.3).
- productive : Bool
(ii) The reciprocalization operation applies productively to transitive verbs (§3.5, §5).
- ecmReciprocals : Bool
(iii) ECM reciprocal verbs are possible — reciprocalization spans a clause boundary (§5.2).
- frozenInput : Bool
(iv) Can be formed from a frozen lexical entry, one without a transitive alternate in the vocabulary (§5.3).
- semanticDrift : Bool
(v) Can undergo semantic drift — acquire a meaning not shared by the transitive alternate (§5.3).
- phrasalIdioms : Bool
(vi) Can head phrasal idioms unavailable for the transitive alternate (§5.3).
- retainsAccOnDativeSuppression : Bool
(vii) Can retain an accusative argument when reciprocalization suppresses the dative rather than the accusative (§5.1).
- eventNominals : Bool
(viii) Can derive reciprocal event nominals (§6). Exception: Czech reciprocal event nominals exist despite the syntactic setting — Czech nominalization is a lexical operation ([Hro05]), and the nominals arise by syntactic reciprocalization of the transitive nominal, available because the Czech clitic, unlike the strictly verbal Romance clitic, attaches to nouns.
- discontinuous : Bool
(ix) Allows the discontinuous reciprocal construction — subject plus comitative with-phrase (§7). A property of symmetric verbs (§7.5), with verb-level exceptions in both directions: English kiss and hug resist it (fn. 32), while listed lexical entries in syntax-setting languages (French se battre 'fight') allow it (§7.2).
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- Siloni2012.instReprPropertyCluster = { reprPrec := Siloni2012.instReprPropertyCluster.repr }
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Pointwise complement of a property cluster.
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The property cluster of a formation locus, computed from its four
affordances: the paper's reduction of the nine properties to the locus
of formation. [Nor23]'s later per-language profiles check the
discontinuity prediction against attested judgments in
Studies/Nordlinger2023.lean.
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The derived lexical cluster matches the paper's concluding table.
The two predicted clusters are complementary on every property: the two loci differ on every affordance and every property is a literal of one affordance.
The derived discontinuity prediction agrees with the substrate
classifier Formation.allowsDiscontinuous.
Symmetric verbs (§2.3, §7.5) #
Lexically-formed reciprocal verbs are symmetric verbs: both participants are identically involved in a singular atomic event (§2.3), as with intransitive kiss and collide.
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A formation yields symmetric verbs iff it predicts a singular event.
"The discontinuous construction is a property of symmetric verbs" (§7.5).
The "I" reading (§2.1, §4.3) #
In "John and Paul said they defeated each other in the final"
([Hig80]), the "I" reading — John said he defeated Paul, and
Paul said he defeated John — requires both that the embedded verb allow
the sub-event reading and that its subject bear exactly one θ-role
(§4.3, p. 287). The LF decomposition of the periphrastic side and the
full grain problem live in Studies/HeimLasnikMay1991.lean.
The subject's entailment profile over a transitive base. The
periphrastic subject bears the base subject role; both verb types
accumulate both profiles' entailments — as one bundled complex role in
the lexicon ((36)), as two separately assigned roles in the syntax
((43), Merger) — "via bundling or parasitic assignment respectively"
(§4.3).
Equations
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.periphrastic = r.subjectProfile
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.lexicalVerb = (Siloni2012.reciprocalize r).subjectProfile
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.syntacticVerb = (Siloni2012.reciprocalize r).subjectProfile
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The "I" reading over a transitive base (§4.3, p. 287): the sub-event reading must be available and the subject must bear a sole role — a profile that is not complex.
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- Siloni2012.Construction.allowsIReading r c = (c.allowsSubEventReading = true ∧ ¬(Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r c).IsComplexRole)
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Sub-event availability is necessary for the "I" reading (§4.3).
A sole θ-role on the subject is necessary for the "I" reading (§4.3).
A periphrastic reciprocal over a non-complex subject role allows the "I" reading: sub-events from the anaphor's plural operator, sole role on the subject.
Lexical derivation: no plural events in the lexicon → no sub-events → no "I" reading (§3.5 → §2.2 → §4.3), for any base.
Syntactic derivation: the bundled subject is a complex role → no "I" reading (§4.2 → §4.3), despite the sub-event reading being available.
Neither reciprocal verb type allows the "I" reading, over any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object.
Over any transitive base whose subject role is agentive but not complex and whose object is affected, the "I" reading is available in the periphrastic construction and only there.
Singular-event verbs lack the sub-event reading: both are the availability of plural events at the composition locus (§2.2–2.3).
The periphrastic source of sub-events (§2.1) #
The sub-event reading of periphrastic reciprocals comes from the anaphor's plural operator: on a two-membered antecedent, [HLM91]'s each∘other LF delivers exactly the two directional relations, which sum to the accumulation reading.
On a pair antecedent, the each∘other LF is the crossed directional pattern: Strong Reciprocity at two members.
The periphrastic construction has the accumulation reading: the LF's two directional relations, read off the base verb's events, sum to a plural reciprocal event (§2.1–2.2).
Count adverbials: five mutual versus ten directional events (§2.2) #
A model of the (15)/(16) contrast. Five rounds of kissing between Dan and
Rina yield ten directional events. The Hebrew symmetric verb packs each
round into a group atom: hitnašku xameš pe'amim counts five mutual
events (card_mutualEvent), the round's directional events are recovered by
dissolution (mutualEvent_down) yet are not parts of the counted event
(mutualEvent_not_subEventReading) — which is also why *hitnašku al
ha-mecax 'kissed on the forehead' fails (15d). The French accumulation
reading instead sums the two directional events: the same five rounds
(card_accumulated) keep both directional events accessible as proper
parts (directional_lt_accumulated), so s'embrassèrent cinq fois can
also count ten (16b).
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- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqKisser x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Siloni2012.instReprKisser.repr Siloni2012.Kisser.dan prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Siloni2012.Kisser.dan")).group prec✝
- Siloni2012.instReprKisser.repr Siloni2012.Kisser.rina prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Siloni2012.Kisser.rina")).group prec✝
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- Siloni2012.instReprKisser = { reprPrec := Siloni2012.instReprKisser.repr }
The event domain: nonempty finite sets of atomic event markers, the left summand for directional kissings and the right for group atoms.
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- Siloni2012.KissEvent = { F : Finset (ℕ ⊕ ℕ) // F.Nonempty }
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The i-th directional kissing event.
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- Siloni2012.directional i = ⟨{Sum.inl i}, ⋯⟩
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Round j kisses in both directions: Dan's is event 2j, Rina's is
event 2j + 1.
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- Siloni2012.kiss = {e : Siloni2012.KissEvent | ∃ i < 10, e = Siloni2012.directional i}
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The agent of a directional kissing: Dan for the even events.
Equations
- Siloni2012.kissAg e = if ∃ j < 5, e = Siloni2012.directional (2 * j) then Siloni2012.Kisser.dan else Siloni2012.Kisser.rina
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The theme of a directional kissing: Rina for the even events.
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- Siloni2012.kissTh e = if ∃ j < 5, e = Siloni2012.directional (2 * j) then Siloni2012.Kisser.rina else Siloni2012.Kisser.dan
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Round j's two directional events form a crossed pair.
The j-th mutual kissing event: the round's two directional events,
packed as a group atom — the Hebrew hitnašku denotation.
Equations
- Siloni2012.mutualEvent j = Siloni2012.kissGroups.up (Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j) ⊔ Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j + 1))
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(15): five mutual kissing events.
Ten directional kissing events underlie them.
Each mutual event dissolves to its round's directional events.
Yet the mutual event has no accessible parts: the count adverbial and locative modification see one atomic event per round ((15a), (15d)).
(16): the French accumulation event of round j is the plain sum.
Equations
- Siloni2012.accumulated j = Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j) ⊔ Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j + 1)
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Five accumulation events — the five-count of (16b).
The accumulation event keeps the sub-event reading: both directional events are accessible ((16b)'s ten-count, (16c)'s modification).
Both directional events are proper parts of the accumulation event.
The discontinuous construction: dyadic symmetric verbs (§7.4–7.5) #
The discontinuous phrase is an argument (§7.4), so lexical reciprocal verbs have two realizations of one entry: monadic, with the pair-group subject, and dyadic, with subject and comitative each contributing one member of the pair (§7.5). Syntactic reciprocal verbs have no listed symmetric entry to realize dyadically — only listed symmetric entries do, which is why drifted se battre 'fight' allows discontinuity in syntax-set French (§7.2) while English kiss and hug resist it lexically (fn. 32).
The dyadic realization (§7.5): the verb's events and complex role are those of the monadic symmetric entry, the role taken at the subject and comitative's pair-group.
Equations
- Siloni2012.DyadicReading GD Vsym agTh d₁ d₂ e = (e ∈ Vsym ∧ agTh e = GD.up (d₁ ⊔ d₂))
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Discontinuity is symmetric: Dan corresponded with Rina and Rina corresponded with Dan describe the same events — the pair-group is unordered (§7.1).
The discontinuous construction entails reciprocity between subject and oblique (§7.1): the dyadic reading of a symmetric verb yields the crossed directional events in both directions.
Cross-linguistic sample (§2.4, §5, §7) #
The formation locus of a language's reciprocal verbs.
- language : String
- iso : String
- formation : Reciprocal.Formation
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- Siloni2012.instReprLangRecipVerb = { reprPrec := Siloni2012.instReprLangRecipVerb.repr }
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- Siloni2012.hebrew = { language := "Hebrew", iso := "heb", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.lexical }
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- Siloni2012.russian = { language := "Russian", iso := "rus", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.lexical }
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- Siloni2012.hungarian = { language := "Hungarian", iso := "hun", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.lexical }
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English reciprocal verbs (intransitive kiss, meet, collide) are
lexicon-formed symmetric verbs, though the language's primary reciprocal
strategy is the periphrastic each other (hence the strategy-level
classification in Studies/Nordlinger2023.lean differs); fn. 32 notes
that kiss and hug nonetheless resist the discontinuous
construction.
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- Siloni2012.english = { language := "English", iso := "eng", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.lexical }
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- Siloni2012.french = { language := "French", iso := "fra", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.italian = { language := "Italian", iso := "ita", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.spanish = { language := "Spanish", iso := "spa", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.czech = { language := "Czech", iso := "ces", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.romanian = { language := "Romanian", iso := "ron", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.serboCroatian = { language := "Serbo-Croatian", iso := "hbs", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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- Siloni2012.bulgarian = { language := "Bulgarian", iso := "bul", formation := Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic }
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The paper's language sample. The abstract announces ten languages; eleven are named with data across the paper, so all are recorded.
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