Roussou 2010: Selecting complementizers #
Modern Greek complementizers in their dual capacity of being selected and of selecting. oti, pu, and an are nominal elements merging OUTSIDE the embedded clause (under N, as the matrix verb's internal argument); na merges INSIDE the lower C domain and re-opens the EPP position. The paper's informal semantic glosses are formalized here on their classical anchors, each denotation carrying its distribution:
- pu is definite ([Chr86]; the factive-definite lineage of
[KK70]):
puClausepresupposes the proposition it locates, so factivity IS the definite's existence presupposition — projecting through negation (ex. 15b) where the presupposition-freeotiClauseis freely deniable (ex. 16). - an denotes the Hamblin polar set {p, ¬p} (the paper adopts
[AQ01]'s (6b), after [Ham73]):
anClauseis the inquisitive polar question — informationally inert, so some operator must close the open set. That polarity requirement isanItem, an NPI over the propositional domain whose licensing routes through the substrate's [Zwa98] / [vR03b] table: matrix negation (ex. 11), question — supplied lexically by rogatives (ex. 10) or structurally (ex. 2c) — and incorporated-negation predicates ('doubt', 'forget', ex. 14). True/False predicates ([AQ01]; ipothéto 'assume', ex. 7) are veridical embedders: no row of the table corresponds to them, and none could — that absence is the account's rendering of their blocking effect. - na-clauses denote properties, [Chi84]'s control-complement layer, despite finite morphology (MG lacks infinitives): control (ex. 25–26) is the matrix argument saturating the open slot, and the outside mergers cannot embed a na-clause because they consume propositions — a type-level application failure.
Selection is thus not one-to-one (ex. 1–3): epistemic pistévo takes na only with present-tense matrix inflection (ex. 23) and focus licenses otherwise unselected pu (ex. 22) — both left as prose.
Main declarations #
PropQuant,MergeSite,CProfile,profile— the lexical specification table (§3–4)otiClause,puClause,anClause— the three denotations;puClause_factive,pu_projects_through_negation,puClause_strongEntails_oti,anClause_not_informativeanItem— an asPolarity.Item;anItem_licensedroutes its distribution throughLicensingContext.licensesnaLayer,na_layer_diverges_from_coding,comp_over_na_type_clash— the property-layer analysis of nafactive_iff_definite— the fragment'sfactiveflag coincides with definite propositional quantification
The lexical specification (§3–4) #
Propositional quantification contributed by an outside-merging complementizer: definite (binds a single proposition, locating it to a reference point) vs indefinite (ranges over a set of propositions).
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- Roussou2010.instDecidableEqPropQuant x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Roussou2010.instReprPropQuant = { reprPrec := Roussou2010.instReprPropQuant.repr }
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Merge site of a clause-typing element: outside the embedded clause (under N, as the matrix verb's internal argument — oti, pu, an) or inside its lower C domain (na, ex. 28).
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- Roussou2010.instDecidableEqMergeSite x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Roussou2010.instReprMergeSite = { reprPrec := Roussou2010.instReprMergeSite.repr }
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The lexical specification §4 attributes to a clause-typer: merge
site, propositional quantification (none for inside-mergers, which
bind no propositional variable), and polarity sensitivity.
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- Roussou2010.instReprCProfile = { reprPrec := Roussou2010.instReprCProfile.repr }
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The MG assignment (§3.1, §4): oti indefinite, an polar indefinite, pu definite — all outside — and na inside with no propositional quantification.
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Definiteness is what the fragment's lexical factive flag records
([Chr86]: pu as the definite article of the propositional
domain). One way only: the factive doxastics (kséro, katalavéno)
take indefinite oti (ex. 19), with weak, deniable, verb-derived
factivity (ex. 15).
The denotations #
The oti-clause: a plain indefinite over propositions — presupposition-free assertion of its content. Any factive flavor is verb-derived and deniable (ex. 15–16).
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- Roussou2010.otiClause p = { presup := fun (x : W) => True, assertion := fun (x : W) => x ∈ p }
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The pu-clause: a definite over propositions ([Chr86]; [KK70]'s factive-definite) — it presupposes the proposition it locates to the reference point.
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- Roussou2010.puClause p = { presup := fun (x : W) => x ∈ p, assertion := fun (x : W) => x ∈ p }
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Factivity IS the definite's existence presupposition: the pu-clause is defined at a world exactly when its content holds there.
ex. 15b: the definite's presupposition projects through internal negation — denying a pu-clause still commits to its content — while the oti-clause stays defined everywhere, so denial carries no factive residue (ex. 16).
ex. 17 (thimáme oti/pu): the pu-reading strong-entails the
oti-reading — Terrell's strong vs weak presupposition as
strongEntails.
The an-clause is informationally inert: it asserts nothing, only raising the {p, ¬p} issue. The polarity requirement is the demand that some operator close this open set.
an as a polarity item (§2) #
an as an NPI over the propositional domain: weak licensor requirement, with the paper's binder inventory mapped onto the substrate's licensing rows — matrix negation (ex. 11), question, whether supplied lexically by a rogative (ex. 10) or structurally (ex. 2c), and incorporated-negation predicates (amfivállo 'doubt', ksexnó 'forget', ex. 14). True/False predicates (ex. 7) are veridical embedders: no licensing row corresponds to them, which is the account's rendering of their blocking effect.
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an's polarity is a bona fide licensor requirement.
Each context of the inventory in fact licenses an under the substrate's keystone ([Zwa98] strength on the signature rows, [vR03b] entropy on questions).
na and the property layer (§3.2, §4) #
na re-opens the EPP position, so the na-clause denotes a property — [Chi84]'s control-complement layer — despite finite morphology.
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MG detaches the property layer from nonfinite coding: the
coding-based mapping sends finite clauses to the propositional layer
(Chierchia1984.complSemLayer), but the finite na-clause is a
property. Control (ex. 25–26) is the matrix argument saturating the
open slot.
The merge-site split cashed out at type level (p. 597): an outside
merger consumes a proposition (.t), while the na-clause — its EPP
re-opened — is a property, .fn .e .t; application is undefined
whatever the merger returns. Relative pu + na (ex. 31) escapes
because relative pu binds an individual variable instead.