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Linglib.Studies.Roussou2010

Roussou 2010: Selecting complementizers #

[Rou10]

Modern Greek complementizers in their dual capacity of being selected and of selecting. oti, pu, and an are nominal elements merging OUTSIDE the embedded clause (under N, as the matrix verb's internal argument); na merges INSIDE the lower C domain and re-opens the EPP position. The paper's informal semantic glosses are formalized here on their classical anchors, each denotation carrying its distribution:

Selection is thus not one-to-one (ex. 1–3): epistemic pistévo takes na only with present-tense matrix inflection (ex. 23) and focus licenses otherwise unselected pu (ex. 22) — both left as prose.

Main declarations #

The lexical specification (§3–4) #

Propositional quantification contributed by an outside-merging complementizer: definite (binds a single proposition, locating it to a reference point) vs indefinite (ranges over a set of propositions).

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    def Roussou2010.instReprPropQuant.repr :
    PropQuantStd.Format
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      Merge site of a clause-typing element: outside the embedded clause (under N, as the matrix verb's internal argument — oti, pu, an) or inside its lower C domain (na, ex. 28).

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        @[implicit_reducible]
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        def Roussou2010.instReprMergeSite.repr :
        MergeSiteStd.Format
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          The lexical specification §4 attributes to a clause-typer: merge site, propositional quantification (none for inside-mergers, which bind no propositional variable), and polarity sensitivity.

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            def Roussou2010.instDecidableEqCProfile.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : CProfile) :
            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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              def Roussou2010.instReprCProfile.repr :
              CProfileStd.Format
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                The MG assignment (§3.1, §4): oti indefinite, an polar indefinite, pu definite — all outside — and na inside with no propositional quantification.

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                  Definiteness is what the fragment's lexical factive flag records ([Chr86]: pu as the definite article of the propositional domain). One way only: the factive doxastics (kséro, katalavéno) take indefinite oti (ex. 19), with weak, deniable, verb-derived factivity (ex. 15).

                  The denotations #

                  The oti-clause: a plain indefinite over propositions — presupposition-free assertion of its content. Any factive flavor is verb-derived and deniable (ex. 15–16).

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                    The pu-clause: a definite over propositions ([Chr86]; [KK70]'s factive-definite) — it presupposes the proposition it locates to the reference point.

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                      def Roussou2010.anClause {W : Type u_1} (p : Set W) :

                      The an-clause: the Hamblin polar set {p, ¬p} (the paper's (6b), after [AQ01] and [Ham73]), as the inquisitive polar question.

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                        theorem Roussou2010.puClause_factive {W : Type u_1} (p : Set W) (w : W) :

                        Factivity IS the definite's existence presupposition: the pu-clause is defined at a world exactly when its content holds there.

                        ex. 15b: the definite's presupposition projects through internal negation — denying a pu-clause still commits to its content — while the oti-clause stays defined everywhere, so denial carries no factive residue (ex. 16).

                        ex. 17 (thimáme oti/pu): the pu-reading strong-entails the oti-reading — Terrell's strong vs weak presupposition as strongEntails.

                        The an-clause is informationally inert: it asserts nothing, only raising the {p, ¬p} issue. The polarity requirement is the demand that some operator close this open set.

                        an as a polarity item (§2) #

                        an as an NPI over the propositional domain: weak licensor requirement, with the paper's binder inventory mapped onto the substrate's licensing rows — matrix negation (ex. 11), question, whether supplied lexically by a rogative (ex. 10) or structurally (ex. 2c), and incorporated-negation predicates (amfivállo 'doubt', ksexnó 'forget', ex. 14). True/False predicates (ex. 7) are veridical embedders: no licensing row corresponds to them, which is the account's rendering of their blocking effect.

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                          an's polarity is a bona fide licensor requirement.

                          Each context of the inventory in fact licenses an under the substrate's keystone ([Zwa98] strength on the signature rows, [vR03b] entropy on questions).

                          na and the property layer (§3.2, §4) #

                          na re-opens the EPP position, so the na-clause denotes a property — [Chi84]'s control-complement layer — despite finite morphology.

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                            MG detaches the property layer from nonfinite coding: the coding-based mapping sends finite clauses to the propositional layer (Chierchia1984.complSemLayer), but the finite na-clause is a property. Control (ex. 25–26) is the matrix argument saturating the open slot.

                            The merge-site split cashed out at type level (p. 597): an outside merger consumes a proposition (.t), while the na-clause — its EPP re-opened — is a property, .fn .e .t; application is undefined whatever the merger returns. Relative pu + na (ex. 31) escapes because relative pu binds an individual variable instead.