Documentation

Linglib.Studies.RobertsSimons2024

Preconditions and Projection: Explaining Non-Anaphoric Presupposition #

[RS24b]

Roberts, C. & Simons, M. (2024). Preconditions and projection: Explaining non-anaphoric presupposition. Linguistics and Philosophy 47(4):703–748.

Key Claims #

  1. The projective contents of CoS predicates, factives, and selectional restrictions are entailments characterizing ontological preconditions of the associated event type — NOT semantically encoded presuppositions.

  2. Projection is a pragmatic default: a speaker who raises an event is taken to assume its preconditions hold (maximizes informativity, per [QGL16] and [War22]).

  3. Differential suppression across verb pairs (know/discover, stop/continue) follows from lexical semantic differences (telicity, aspect, CoS status), not from different presupposition "strengths."

  4. Filtering in Karttunen environments (conjunction, conditional, disjunction) is explained pragmatically without anaphoric constraints. For disjunction, the account predicts symmetric filtering (contra [Hei83]).

Connection to Existing Theory #

This study file imports and bridges:

Verb classes as event phases #

The paper's three verb classes instantiated as EventPhases: CoS predicates, factives, and selectional restrictions, each with complement truth or prior state as ontological precondition.

"Stop P" as an event phase.

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    "Start P" as an event phase.

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      "Continue P" as an event phase.

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        Event-phase precondition = the CoS presupposition of Features.ChangeOfState, per CoS type.

        theorem RobertsSimons2024.stop_is_telic {W : Type u_1} (P : WProp) (w : W) (hP : P w) :

        "Stop P" is telic: state changes from P to ¬P.

        theorem RobertsSimons2024.start_is_telic {W : Type u_1} (P : WProp) (w : W) (hNotP : ¬P w) :

        "Start P" is telic: state changes from ¬P to P.

        "Continue P" is atelic: a precondition (prior activity) but no state change ([RS24b] p. 734).

        def RobertsSimons2024.knowAsEventPhase {W : Type u_1} (BEL C : WProp) :

        "Know C" as an event phase: stative, atelic. Precondition: C is true. The knowing state cannot exist without its object.

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          def RobertsSimons2024.discoverAsEventPhase {W : Type u_1} (IGNORANT C : WProp) :

          "Discover C" as an event phase: telic, achievement. Two preconditions: C is true AND the agent was previously ignorant.

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            "Regret p" as an event phase: emotive factive. The ontological precondition is belief, not truth — factivity arises from a pragmatic default to veridicality ([RS24b] p. 731).

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              theorem RobertsSimons2024.know_is_atelic {W : Type u_1} (BEL C : WProp) :

              Know is atelic: no state change (precondition = consequence).

              Regret is atelic: the emotive state persists with its grounding belief.

              theorem RobertsSimons2024.discover_is_telic {W : Type u_1} (IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) (hC : C w) (hIgn : IGNORANT w) :

              Discover is telic: state change from ignorant to knowing.

              theorem RobertsSimons2024.factive_precondition_entails_complement {W : Type u_1} (IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) :
              (discoverAsEventPhase IGNORANT C).precondition wC w

              Both know and discover have C as (part of) their precondition: complement truth is ontologically required.

              theorem RobertsSimons2024.discover_precondition_requires_ignorance {W : Type u_1} (IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) :
              (discoverAsEventPhase IGNORANT C).precondition wIGNORANT w

              Discover's extra precondition (prior ignorance) explains its weaker projection in conditional antecedents ([RS24b] §3.2.2).

              def RobertsSimons2024.selectionalEventPhase {W : Type u_1} (requirement event : WProp) :

              A selectional restriction as an event phase: the requirement ("the robot has feet") is an ontological precondition of the event ("the robot kicked the tree"), confirmed by both §2.1 diagnostics.

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                Aspectual classification #

                The assertion-only rival #

                Under an assertion-only view a sentence is just its truth conditions — no event reference, no aboutness — so nothing forces affirmative and negative to share content, and single-index truth conditions cannot even represent a CoS verb.

                The assertion-only meaning: bare truth conditions.

                • truthConditions : WProp
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                  Under assertion-only, "stop P" flattens pre-state and post-state into one evaluation point: P ∧ ¬P.

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                    Under assertion-only, "not stop P" is ¬(P ∧ ¬P) — a tautology.

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                      Single-index truth conditions cannot represent CoS verbs: the assertion-only "stop" is contradictory at every world.

                      theorem RobertsSimons2024.assertionOnly_no_presupposition {W : Type u_1} (P : WProp) (w : W) (_hNotP : ¬P w) :

                      Under assertion-only, the negated sentence is true even where P fails, so "John didn't stop smoking" would not require that he smoked: the view has no presupposition.

                      Pragmatic suppression conditions #

                      Projection of preconditions is a pragmatic default, not an invariant ([RS24b] §3.2.1).

                      Contexts that suppress projection of a precondition: in each, pragmatic reasoning makes it implausible that the speaker presumes the precondition true.

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                          Under any suppression condition, precondition content is merely locally entailed, not globally accommodated.

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                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.know_atelic {W : Type u_2} (BEL C : WProp) :

                            Know is atelic: precondition = consequence (stative, no change).

                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.discover_telic {W : Type u_2} (IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) (hC : C w) (hIgn : IGNORANT w) :

                            Discover is telic: precondition ≠ consequence (state change).

                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.know_discover_both_factive {W : Type u_2} (BEL IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) :
                            (knowAsEventPhase BEL C).precondition w = C w ((discoverAsEventPhase IGNORANT C).precondition wC w)

                            Both share factivity: complement truth is a precondition.

                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.discover_has_ignorance_precondition {W : Type u_2} (IGNORANT C : WProp) (w : W) :
                            (discoverAsEventPhase IGNORANT C).precondition wIGNORANT w

                            Discover has an additional precondition (ignorance) that know lacks. This is the source of differential suppression: the ignorance precondition creates a context in which the speaker signals uncertainty about C.

                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.stop_telic {W : Type u_2} (P : WProp) (w : W) (hP : P w) :

                            Stop is telic: involves a state change.

                            Continue is atelic: no state change.

                            Stop and continue share the same precondition (prior activity P).

                            theorem RobertsSimons2024.selectional_projects_through_negation {W : Type u_2} (req event : WProp) (pol : Features.Polarity) :
                            { eventType := selectionalEventPhase req event, polarity := pol }.presupposition = req

                            Selectional preconditions project through negation. "The robot didn't kick the tree" still implies it has feet.

                            In a conjunction "P, and (stop P)", the first conjunct asserts the precondition. R&S: it is pragmatically implausible that the speaker presumes the precondition — they are explicitly asserting it.

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                              In a conditional "If P, then stop P", the antecedent supposes P. R&S: the conditional structure itself signals the speaker's lack of commitment to the antecedent, and the function of the conditional is to evaluate the consequent relative to the antecedent. No global presumption of P is pragmatically attributable.

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                                R&S's distinctive prediction for disjunction ([RS24b] §4): filtering in disjunction is symmetric for non-anaphoric triggers.

                                "Either Jane never smoked, or she's stopped." (43)

                                The first disjunct (¬P) creates a context in which it is reasonable to consider the second disjunct's precondition (P) as locally entailed (if ¬P is false, i.e. P is true). Crucially, R&S argue this filtering works identically in both orders — contra [Hei83]'s asymmetric account.

                                This is a pragmatic consequence of their view: filtering depends on whether global presumption of the precondition is pragmatically attributable, not on dynamic left-to-right context update.

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                                  For CoS verbs, EventPhase.precondition agrees with PartialProp.presup. This shows the two representations — the aboutness-based (R&S) and the trivalent (Heim) — agree on what projects, even though they disagree on why it projects.

                                  theorem RobertsSimons2024.presupposition_derivable_from_event_structure (isFactive hasCosType : Bool) :
                                  (isFactive || hasCosType) = true isFactive = true hasCosType = true

                                  R&S argue that presupposition status follows from event structure, not from a stipulated presupType. A verb presupposes its complement iff it has factivity or CoS event structure. The derivedPresupType accessor on Verb implements this derivation.

                                  Suppression does not change what is entailed — only what is presumed.

                                  End-to-end for factives: know's complement truth is an ontological precondition, shares the same structural projection mechanism as CoS verbs, and agrees with the PartialProp representation.

                                  End-to-end for selectional restrictions: same aboutness mechanism, same projection behavior, same structural explanation.