Preconditions and Projection: Explaining Non-Anaphoric Presupposition #
Roberts, C. & Simons, M. (2024). Preconditions and projection: Explaining non-anaphoric presupposition. Linguistics and Philosophy 47(4):703–748.
Key Claims #
The projective contents of CoS predicates, factives, and selectional restrictions are entailments characterizing ontological preconditions of the associated event type — NOT semantically encoded presuppositions.
Projection is a pragmatic default: a speaker who raises an event is taken to assume its preconditions hold (maximizes informativity, per [QGL16] and [War22]).
Differential suppression across verb pairs (know/discover, stop/continue) follows from lexical semantic differences (telicity, aspect, CoS status), not from different presupposition "strengths."
Filtering in Karttunen environments (conjunction, conditional, disjunction) is explained pragmatically without anaphoric constraints. For disjunction, the account predicts symmetric filtering (contra [Hei83]).
Connection to Existing Theory #
This study file imports and bridges:
Semantics.Events.Phase/Presupposition.Aboutness(EventPhase, entailment classification)ChangeOfState.Theory(CoS presuppositions)Features.Aktionsart(Vendler classes, telicity)ProjectiveContent(Tonhauser taxonomy: all three verb classes are Class C)
Verb classes as event phases #
The paper's three verb classes instantiated as EventPhases: CoS
predicates, factives, and selectional restrictions, each with complement
truth or prior state as ontological precondition.
"Stop P" as an event phase.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.stopAsEventPhase P = { precondition := P, eventOccurs := P, consequence := fun (w : W) => ¬P w }
Instances For
"Start P" as an event phase.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.startAsEventPhase P = { precondition := fun (w : W) => ¬P w, eventOccurs := fun (w : W) => ¬P w, consequence := P }
Instances For
"Continue P" as an event phase.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.continueAsEventPhase P = { precondition := P, eventOccurs := P, consequence := P }
Instances For
Event-phase precondition = the CoS presupposition of
Features.ChangeOfState, per CoS type.
Event-phase consequence = the CoS assertion, per CoS type.
"Stop P" is telic: state changes from P to ¬P.
"Start P" is telic: state changes from ¬P to P.
"Continue P" is atelic: a precondition (prior activity) but no state change ([RS24b] p. 734).
"Know C" as an event phase: stative, atelic. Precondition: C is true. The knowing state cannot exist without its object.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.knowAsEventPhase BEL C = { precondition := C, eventOccurs := fun (w : W) => BEL w ∧ C w, consequence := C }
Instances For
"Discover C" as an event phase: telic, achievement. Two preconditions: C is true AND the agent was previously ignorant.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
"Regret p" as an event phase: emotive factive. The ontological precondition is belief, not truth — factivity arises from a pragmatic default to veridicality ([RS24b] p. 731).
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.regretAsEventPhase BEL = { precondition := BEL, eventOccurs := BEL, consequence := BEL }
Instances For
Know is atelic: no state change (precondition = consequence).
Regret is atelic: the emotive state persists with its grounding belief.
Discover is telic: state change from ignorant to knowing.
Both know and discover have C as (part of) their precondition: complement truth is ontologically required.
Discover's extra precondition (prior ignorance) explains its weaker projection in conditional antecedents ([RS24b] §3.2.2).
A selectional restriction as an event phase: the requirement
("the robot has feet") is an ontological precondition of the event
("the robot kicked the tree"), confirmed by both §2.1 diagnostics.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.selectionalEventPhase requirement event = { precondition := requirement, eventOccurs := event, consequence := event }
Instances For
Aspectual classification #
Aspectual profile per CoS type: "stop"/"start" are achievements (telic, punctual); "continue" is an activity (atelic, durative).
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.cosTypeToAspectualProfile Features.ChangeOfState.CoSType.cessation = Features.achievementProfile
- RobertsSimons2024.cosTypeToAspectualProfile Features.ChangeOfState.CoSType.inception = Features.achievementProfile
- RobertsSimons2024.cosTypeToAspectualProfile Features.ChangeOfState.CoSType.continuation = Features.activityProfile
Instances For
Vendler class per CoS type, derived from the aspectual profile.
Equations
Instances For
The derived Vendler classes carry the right telicity.
The assertion-only rival #
Under an assertion-only view a sentence is just its truth conditions — no event reference, no aboutness — so nothing forces affirmative and negative to share content, and single-index truth conditions cannot even represent a CoS verb.
Under assertion-only, "stop P" flattens pre-state and post-state into one evaluation point: P ∧ ¬P.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.assertionOnly_stop P = { truthConditions := fun (w : W) => P w ∧ ¬P w }
Instances For
Under assertion-only, "not stop P" is ¬(P ∧ ¬P) — a tautology.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.assertionOnly_notStop P = { truthConditions := fun (w : W) => ¬(P w ∧ ¬P w) }
Instances For
Single-index truth conditions cannot represent CoS verbs: the assertion-only "stop" is contradictory at every world.
Under assertion-only, the negated sentence is true even where P fails, so "John didn't stop smoking" would not require that he smoked: the view has no presupposition.
Pragmatic suppression conditions #
Projection of preconditions is a pragmatic default, not an invariant ([RS24b] §3.2.1).
Contexts that suppress projection of a precondition: in each, pragmatic reasoning makes it implausible that the speaker presumes the precondition true.
- preconditionKnownFalse : SuppressionCondition
Interlocutors know or believe the precondition is false or controversial ([RS24b] ex. 23).
- speakerNonCommitment : SuppressionCondition
Evidence that the speaker does not believe the precondition ([RS24b] ex. 24).
- preconditionAtIssue : SuppressionCondition
The precondition is at-issue, i.e. currently under discussion ([RS24b] ex. 25).
Instances For
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.instDecidableEqSuppressionCondition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Under any suppression condition, precondition content is merely locally entailed, not globally accommodated.
Equations
- x✝.globalProjection = false
Instances For
The theory predicts the empirical pattern: preconditions project, consequences don't.
Know is atelic: precondition = consequence (stative, no change).
Discover is telic: precondition ≠ consequence (state change).
Both share factivity: complement truth is a precondition.
Discover has an additional precondition (ignorance) that know lacks. This is the source of differential suppression: the ignorance precondition creates a context in which the speaker signals uncertainty about C.
Stop is telic: involves a state change.
Continue is atelic: no state change.
Stop and continue share the same precondition (prior activity P).
But they differ in telicity: stop is telic, continue is atelic.
Selectional preconditions project through negation. "The robot didn't kick the tree" still implies it has feet.
In a conjunction "P, and (stop P)", the first conjunct asserts the precondition. R&S: it is pragmatically implausible that the speaker presumes the precondition — they are explicitly asserting it.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.conjunctionFiltering P = ∀ (w : W), P w ∧ (RobertsSimons2024.stopAsEventPhase P).eventOccurs w → (RobertsSimons2024.stopAsEventPhase P).precondition w
Instances For
In a conditional "If P, then stop P", the antecedent supposes P. R&S: the conditional structure itself signals the speaker's lack of commitment to the antecedent, and the function of the conditional is to evaluate the consequent relative to the antecedent. No global presumption of P is pragmatically attributable.
Equations
- RobertsSimons2024.conditionalFiltering P = ∀ (w : W), P w → (RobertsSimons2024.stopAsEventPhase P).precondition w
Instances For
R&S's distinctive prediction for disjunction ([RS24b] §4): filtering in disjunction is symmetric for non-anaphoric triggers.
"Either Jane never smoked, or she's stopped." (43)
The first disjunct (¬P) creates a context in which it is reasonable to consider the second disjunct's precondition (P) as locally entailed (if ¬P is false, i.e. P is true). Crucially, R&S argue this filtering works identically in both orders — contra [Hei83]'s asymmetric account.
This is a pragmatic consequence of their view: filtering depends on whether global presumption of the precondition is pragmatically attributable, not on dynamic left-to-right context update.
Equations
Instances For
For CoS verbs, EventPhase.precondition agrees with PartialProp.presup. This shows the two representations — the aboutness-based (R&S) and the trivalent (Heim) — agree on what projects, even though they disagree on why it projects.
R&S argue that presupposition status follows from event structure,
not from a stipulated presupType. A verb presupposes its complement
iff it has factivity or CoS event structure. The derivedPresupType
accessor on Verb implements this derivation.
Suppression does not change what is entailed — only what is presumed.
End-to-end: for "stop P", the full chain from event structure to projection prediction. The precondition (prior state P) is invariant across both polarities, while the consequence (¬P) flips.
End-to-end for factives: know's complement truth is an ontological precondition, shares the same structural projection mechanism as CoS verbs, and agrees with the PartialProp representation.
End-to-end for selectional restrictions: same aboutness mechanism, same projection behavior, same structural explanation.