Documentation

Linglib.Studies.ODonnell2015

O'Donnell 2015: English derivational morphology #

[OD15]

First study file using the FG-family substrate from Morphology/FragmentGrammars/. Demonstrates the API on the central empirical contrast of [OD15] Chapter 7 (Fig 7.3, p. 262): the productivity contrast between the highly productive English nominaliser -ness and the unproductive -ion and -ate.

Empirical content #

The book's Chapter 7 load-bearing claim is qualitative: -ness:Adj>N is productive; -ion:V>N and -ate:BND>V are not. On Fig 7.3 (p. 262), only the FG model places -ness in its top-5 productive suffixes; all four competing models (DMPCFG, MAG, DOP1, ENDOP) rank -ion first or second, and three of those (DMPCFG, DOP1, ENDOP) also wrongly elevate -ate (pp. 261–263). Table 7.1 (p. 265) adds that only FG correlates strongly with Baayen's hapax-based productivity estimators. Suffix.productivityIndex encodes a strict ordering ness > ion > ate; the ion > ate half is a tie-break (both are unproductive on novel forms but -ate is structurally more restricted), not part of [OD15]'s central contrast.

Note that -ate is not a nominaliser — it is a verb-forming suffix that selects bound stems (e.g. segregate from bound segregat-). The toy grammar below reflects this: rAte produces V, not N, with a BND (bound-stem) nonterminal as its argument. The three suffixes are grouped here by being the central derivational contrast of [OD15] Ch 7, not by sharing an output category.

DMPCFG critique (Ch 7) #

The DMPCFG model bases its productivity inferences on the token frequency of suffixes ([OD15] Ch 7, p. 268). Per [OD15] Fig 7.4 (p. 267), -ion has roughly an order of magnitude more CELEX tokens than -ness, so a learned DMPCFG posterior places -ion above -ness in productivity — exactly the failure mode [OD15] uses to discriminate FG from DMPCFG. The pseudo-counts in dmpcfgFromObserved are stipulated to track the empirical productivity (via productivityIndex), not learned from a corpus. Two PMF-form theorems below (…_prior_lt and …_lt_of_count_gap) make the prior + flip dichotomy Lean-checkable.

References #

The three suffixes #

[OD15] Chapter 7's central productivity contrast (pp. 261–263). The terms "productive" and "unproductive" are pre-theoretic descriptions consistent with the literature the book reviews; the data below commits to nothing about why one suffix is productive and another is not.

The three English derivational suffixes of the Chapter 7 contrast.

  • -ness (Adj>N): "perhaps the most commonly-discussed productive suffix in English" (p. 261); pine-scentedpine-scentedness.
  • -ion (V>N): high type and token frequency but unproductive on novel verbs — the competing models' "obviously absurd prediction" is that it attaches to arbitrary verbs, producing *meetion "a MEETING event" (pp. 261–262).
  • -ate (BND>V): a verb-forming suffix "restricted, by its categorial definition, from attaching to anything besides bound stems" (p. 263), e.g. segregate from bound segregat-.
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    def ODonnell2015.instReprSuffix.repr :
    SuffixStd.Format
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      A pre-theoretic productivity index for the three suffixes — higher is more productive. Coding ness > ion > ate reproduces the ordering implied by [OD15] Chapter 7 (Fig 7.3 and the §7.3.1.1 discussion). The ion > ate direction is a tie-break: both are unproductive on novel forms, but ate is structurally more restricted (bound stems only), so we rank it strictly lower.

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        The pre-theoretic strict ordering on the three suffixes by productivity. Any theory of productivity that purports to account for the [OD15] Chapter 7 data must reproduce this ordering; failure to do so falsifies the theory against the data (this is exactly the discriminator deployed against DMPCFG / MAG / DOP1 / ENDOP in Fig 7.3, all of which place -ion in their top 5).

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          Frequency-spectrum statistics (Fig 7.4, pp. 267–268) #

          The book's distributional evidence: -ness has the "large number of rare events" (LNRE) shape characteristic of a productive process — a spectrum "sharply peaked at low-frequency forms"; -ion's spectrum has few hapaxes and spreads its mass through higher frequency ranges (cf. §1.2.6 and Fig 1.1 on unproductive -ity/-th). Fig 7.4 reports spectra for -ness and -ion only; the book gives no spectrum for -ate, whose unproductivity is categorial (bound stems only).

          Corpus statistics for a suffix in the Chapter 7 training corpus (CELEX-derived): word types, word tokens, hapax legomena.

          • wordTypes :
          • wordTokens :
          • hapaxes :
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            def ODonnell2015.instDecidableEqSpectrumStats.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : SpectrumStats) :
            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                -ness: 1024 word types, 15,568 tokens, 350 hapaxes ([OD15] pp. 267–268). LNRE-shaped: hapax-rich, spectrum peaked at frequency 1 (Fig 7.4, left).

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                  -ion: 1117 word types, 162,573 tokens, 83 hapaxes ([OD15] pp. 267–268). Not LNRE-shaped: hapax-poor, mass spread toward higher frequencies (Fig 7.4, right).

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                    -ness is hapax-richer than -ion (350/1024 vs 83/1117) — the distributional fingerprint of productivity that Baayen's hapax-based estimators measure and that the FG model exploits (p. 268). Stated by cross-multiplication to stay in Nat.

                    -ness has the higher type–token ratio (1024/15,568 vs 1117/162,573): -ion's distribution is dominated by reuse of high-frequency existing words, not novel coinage.

                    -ion has more than an order of magnitude more tokens than -ness — the token-frequency gap that misleads DMPCFG, which "bases productivity inferences purely on the token frequency of suffixes" (p. 268).

                    Toy CFG #

                    The six terminal symbols of the toy derivational grammar: sentinels adj/v/bnd for adjective, verb and bound-stem bases, plus the three derivational suffixes -ness, -ion, -ate.

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                      instance ODonnell2015.instDecidableEqSym :
                      DecidableEq Sym
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                      def ODonnell2015.instReprSym.repr :
                      SymStd.Format
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                        The four nonterminals of the toy derivational grammar. BND represents a bound stem — the selectional restriction of -ate (cf. segregat-, demonstrat-).

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                          def ODonnell2015.instReprSuffixNT.repr :
                          SuffixNTStd.Format
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                            def ODonnell2015.rNess :
                            ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                            Rule N → A · ness.

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                              def ODonnell2015.rIon :
                              ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                              Rule N → V · ion.

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                                def ODonnell2015.rAte :
                                ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                                Rule V → BND · ate. Reflects [OD15]'s -ate:BND>V classification (p. 261): -ate is a verb-forming suffix that selects bound stems, not a noun-forming suffix.

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                                  def ODonnell2015.rAdj :
                                  ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                                  Rule A → adj.

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                                    def ODonnell2015.rV :
                                    ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                                    Rule V → v.

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                                      def ODonnell2015.rBnd :
                                      ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT

                                      Rule BND → bnd.

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                                        def ODonnell2015.suffixGrammar :
                                        ContextFreeGrammar Sym

                                        The toy CFG: nominalisation via -ness (from adjective) or -ion (from verb), verb formation via -ate (from bound stem).

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                                          DecidableEq for the grammar's NT projection — needed by DMPCFG's typeclass arguments. Not synthesised automatically because suffixGrammar.NT is a structure projection that the typeclass solver does not reduce to SuffixNT.

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                                          Bridge from data layer + DMPCFG instance #

                                          def ODonnell2015.pseudoVal (r : ContextFreeRule Sym SuffixNT) :

                                          Per-rule pseudo-count for the toy grammar. The three productivity-bearing rules get productivityIndex + 1 (so ness ↦ 3, ion ↦ 2, ate ↦ 1), inheriting both the strict ordering and any future revision of Suffix.productivityIndex. The three structural selectional rules get a neutral 1.

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                                            A DMPCFG over suffixGrammar whose per-rule pseudo-counts are derived from Suffix.productivityIndex (the qualitative productivity ranking). The connection is structural: revising productivityIndex changes the pseudo-counts here in lockstep.

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                                              Plumbing: named N-bucket witnesses + parametric pseudoVal lemma #

                                              The N-LHS bucket of suffixGrammar is nonempty (rNess ∈ it). Required for mapWeightPMF and mapWeight_sum_eq_one_of_lhs.

                                              All four LHS buckets of suffixGrammar are nonempty: every nonterminal in this toy grammar has at least one rule expanding it (N has rNess + rIon, A has rAdj, V has rAte + rV, BND has rBnd).

                                              Required to construct dmpcfgFromObserved.posteriorMAP D as a full MultinomialPCFG suffixGrammar (the structure carries the typeclass [∀ a, Nonempty (G.RulesWithLHS a)] because PMFs over empty supports don't exist).

                                              Theorems #

                                              The FG-family API exemplified on the toy grammar: any DMPCFG over suffixGrammar assigns probability 1 — and hence positive probability — to the empty corpus. Direct corollary of DMPCFG.corpusProb_zero.

                                              Structural drift sentry: a stronger productivity ranking (moreProductiveThan) implies a larger DMPCFG pseudo-count for the corresponding rule. Propagates moreProductiveThan through pseudoVal, so this breaks if Suffix.productivityIndex is revised in a way that contradicts the rule-level encoding.

                                              The central failure mode [OD15] Ch 7 documents (p. 268; Fig 7.4 p. 267 supplies the CELEX evidence). DMPCFG posterior MAP weights track pseudo + count, so any corpus where rIon derivations exceed rNess derivations by more than 1 makes DMPCFG's PMF rank rIon above rNess — directly contradicting moreProductiveThan ness ion. The +1 threshold reflects the pseudo-count gap (pseudoVal rNesspseudoVal rIon = 3 − 2 = 1); once corpus counts overcome the prior gap, frequency dominates.

                                              O'Donnell's CELEX numbers in Fig 7.4 (-ion: ~162k tokens vs -ness: ~16k tokens) leave the gap an order of magnitude larger than +1, so the conclusion holds for realistic data; the hypothesis is the abstract minimum that suffices.

                                              Prior PMF (empty corpus): DMPCFG correctly orders the N-rules of suffixGrammar. With no data, the posterior IS the prior (per mapWeight_zero), and the prior IS the per-LHS-normalised pseudo-counts. Since pseudoVal rNess > pseudoVal rIon by construction, the PMF mass at rNess exceeds that at rIon.

                                              The first half of the [OD15] Ch 7 critique of DMPCFG: it does not start wrong. The model's failure mode is data-driven, not prior-driven.

                                              Bridge demo. The same prior comparison stated as a fact about dmpcfgFromObserved.posteriorMAP 0 — a MultinomialPCFG suffixGrammar derived from the DMPCFG via the conjugate-prior collapse.

                                              This is the proof-of-life that the DMPCFG → MultinomialPCFG bridge cashes out: any DMPCFG-side PMF fact translates straight to a MultinomialPCFG-side fact about the posterior MAP, via posteriorMAP_rulePMF. Future cross-paper consumers (Albright-Hayes, Bybee, dual-route) can target MultinomialPCFG and have their theorems automatically apply to DMPCFG-derived posteriors.

                                              The full [OD15] Ch 7 critique of DMPCFG, in one theorem. Two facts that look contradictory but aren't:

                                              • Without data (empty corpus), DMPCFG's PMF over the N-rules ranks rNess above rIon — matching the data-layer productivityIndex.
                                              • Given a corpus with sufficiently many rIon derivations (more than rNess by more than the pseudo-count gap of 1), the PMF flips and ranks rIon above rNess — contradicting the empirical productivity ordering [OD15] reports for English.

                                              Per Ch 7 (Fig 7.4 p. 267), DMPCFG is built with the right prior but bases its posterior on pseudo + count, so when CELEX-scale token frequencies hit the model the data overwhelms the prior and the posterior ranking flips. The fix the book proposes — Fragment Grammars — gives a different posterior structure that doesn't collapse productivity into raw frequency.

                                              The Probabilistic Elsewhere Condition (§5.5.3) #

                                              [OD15] §5.5.3 (pp. 189–191) derives the Elsewhere Condition — "also known as Pāṇini's principle, pre-emption, the subset principle, or the blocking principle" — from probabilistic inference alone: rules define distributions over the forms they generate, so a rule whose support properly includes another's "must assign lower probability to each of those forms, on average" (conservation of belief), and conditioning preserves the preference. The book quotes [Kip73]'s formulation — prefer r₂ when Inputs(r₂) ⊂ Inputs(r₁) — which is Morphology.Exponence.Rule's specificity order (applicability-set inclusion, Exponence.toPreorder).

                                              Formalized in the uniform-generation case, where the preference is pointwise rather than on average: nested supports give the narrower rule a strictly higher generation probability at every shared form (genProb_lt_of_ssubset), and a likelihood-maximal rule among a vocabulary's generators is an Elsewhere winner (maxGenProb_isElsewhereWinner) — no nesting or comparability assumption needed, because card-minimality forces -minimality. Since higher probability is smaller support (genProb_le_iff_card_le), this is the size principle as a specificity score in the shared core: selectByCard_isElsewhereWinner runs Exponence.selectBy on the dualized support cardinality, discharging the core's conditional soundness law via Finset.eq_of_subset_of_card_le.

                                              def ODonnell2015.genProb {Ctx : Type u_1} [DecidableEq Ctx] (s : Finset Ctx) (c : Ctx) :

                                              Uniform generation probability over a finite support — the uniform case of [OD15] §5.5.3's rules-as-distributions.

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                                                theorem ODonnell2015.genProb_lt_of_ssubset {Ctx : Type u_1} [DecidableEq Ctx] {s₁ s₂ : Finset Ctx} (h : s₂s₁) {c : Ctx} (hc : c s₂) :
                                                genProb s₁ c < genProb s₂ c

                                                The pointwise probabilistic Elsewhere Condition: at every shared form, a properly narrower rule assigns strictly higher probability.

                                                theorem ODonnell2015.genProb_le_iff_card_le {Ctx : Type u_1} [DecidableEq Ctx] {s₁ s₂ : Finset Ctx} {c : Ctx} (h₁ : c s₁) (h₂ : c s₂) :
                                                genProb s₁ c genProb s₂ c s₂.card s₁.card

                                                Uniform generation probability ranks supports by cardinality at a shared form: a rule assigns at least as much probability iff its support is no larger. The monotone bridge from maximum-likelihood selection to the support-cardinality specificity score — maximizing probability is minimizing support cardinality.

                                                structure ODonnell2015.FinRule (Ctx : Type u_3) (F : Type u_4) :
                                                Type (max u_3 u_4)

                                                A finitely supported rule: an exponent with a finite set of forms it can generate.

                                                • exponent : F

                                                  The exponent.

                                                • supp : Finset Ctx

                                                  The forms the rule generates.

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                                                  instance ODonnell2015.instRuleFinRule {Ctx : Type u_1} {F : Type u_2} :

                                                  A finitely supported rule exposes the shared exponence core interface (Morphology.Exponence.Rule): applicability is support membership.

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                                                  instance ODonnell2015.instPreorderFinRule {Ctx : Type u_1} {F : Type u_2} :
                                                  Preorder (FinRule Ctx F)
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                                                  instance ODonnell2015.instDecidableRelFinRuleApplies {Ctx : Type u_1} {F : Type u_2} [DecidableEq Ctx] :
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                                                  theorem ODonnell2015.selectByCard_isElsewhereWinner {Ctx : Type u_1} {F : Type u_2} [DecidableEq Ctx] {v : List (FinRule Ctx F)} {c : Ctx} {r : FinRule Ctx F} (h : Morphology.Exponence.selectBy (fun (s : FinRule Ctx F) => OrderDual.toDual s.supp.card) v c = some r) :

                                                  The size principle as a specificity score ([OD15] §5.5.3): selecting the finitely supported rule of least support cardinality — dualized so smaller supports win the argmax — through the shared core's Exponence.selectBy yields an Elsewhere winner. Minimizing support cardinality is maximizing uniform generation probability (genProb_le_iff_card_le), so this is Elsewhere selection as maximum-likelihood inference, on record as a score.

                                                  theorem ODonnell2015.maxGenProb_isElsewhereWinner {Ctx : Type u_1} {F : Type u_2} [DecidableEq Ctx] {v : List (FinRule Ctx F)} {c : Ctx} {r : FinRule Ctx F} (hrv : r v) (hrc : c r.supp) (hmax : sv, c s.suppgenProb s.supp c genProb r.supp c) :

                                                  Elsewhere selection is maximum-likelihood inference ([OD15] §5.5.3): a rule maximizing uniform generation probability at c among a vocabulary's generators is an Elsewhere winner of the corresponding vocabulary. Maximizing probability is minimizing support cardinality (genProb_le_iff_card_le), whence card-minimality forces -minimality — the same reasoning selectByCard_isElsewhereWinner routes through the core's score.