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Linglib.Studies.Narrog2010

Narrog (2010): (Inter)subjectification in Modality and Mood #

[Nar10]

Study file connecting [Nar10]'s theoretical claims to the cross-linguistic data in Semantics.Modality.DeonticNecessity. The chapter argues that strong obligation markers are cross-linguistically uncommon because obligation is inherently face-threatening and socially costly, so languages tend not to grammaticalize it — or to do so only indirectly.

[Nar12] ch. 2 decomposes the face-threatening potential of obligation into three independent dimensions — performativity, volitivity, and speaker-orientation. Face-threat is derived from this decomposition (see NarrogPosition.isFaceThreatening), not stipulated per deontic necessity type.

Key Empirical Claims #

  1. Strong obligation (must-type) markers exist in only 60/200 languages, barely more than weak obligation (should-type) at 62/200.
  2. Japanese avoids strong obligation with 2nd-person subjects entirely (0 instances of -(a)nakereba naranai with 2nd-person subject).
  3. The deontic-to-epistemic polyfunctionality (English must) is cross-linguistically rare: only 3 of 42 changes in Bybee et al.'s sample involve this shift.

Bridges #

Cross-linguistic patterns of diachronic change in modal and mood meanings, formalized on Narrog's 2D semantic map (Semantics.Modality.Narrog). The central claim: modal meanings always shift upward in the semantic map — toward increased speaker-orientation — regardless of volitivity. The well-known deontic → epistemic shift is just one instance.

Data: [BPP94] ch. 6, tabulated in [Nar10] Table 2.

An attested cross-linguistic modal meaning change. gramCount = number of "grams" (markers) in Bybee et al.'s sample exhibiting this change.

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    def Narrog2010.instReprChange.repr :
    ChangeStd.Format
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      The 8 most common cross-linguistic changes in modal meanings. Source: [BPP94] ch. 6, tabulated in [Nar10] Table 2.

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        theorem Narrog2010.directionality :
        (commonChanges.all fun (c : Change) => decide (c.source.orientation c.target.orientation)) = true

        Directionality of change: every attested change increases (or maintains) speaker-orientation. This is Narrog's central diachronic claim.

        [Nar10] §3.1: "modal meanings always shift in the direction of increased speaker-orientation."

        theorem Narrog2010.no_decrease :
        (commonChanges.all fun (c : Change) => !decide (c.target.orientation.toNat < c.source.orientation.toNat)) = true

        No attested change decreases speaker-orientation.

        Changes #6 and #7 cross the volitivity boundary (volitive → non-volitive) while maintaining speaker-orientation level. This shows volitivity is orthogonal to the directionality of change.

        Changes #1, #2, #3 go from non-volitive to volitive: the "unexpected" direction per [Nar10] p. 397. These are the three most frequent cross-linguistic changes (13, 9, 5 grams respectively).

        End-to-end: the speaker-orientation → subjectivity bridge preserves the directionality claim. Every attested change that increases speaker-orientation also increases (or maintains) subjectivity level.

        Survey data on deontic necessity from a genealogically diverse sample of 200 languages ([Nar10] appendix; [Nar12] Table 6.6).

        The Table 4 total (60 + 62 + 22 + 32 = 176) exceeds 131 (languages with any NEC marker) because 44 languages have markers of multiple types ([Nar10] fn. 17).

        How a language grammaticalizes deontic necessity. From [Nar10] Table 4 / [Nar12] Table 6.6.

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            Language counts by deontic necessity type.

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              The sample size: 200 genealogically diverse languages.

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                Geographic area classification used in the sample.

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                  @[implicit_reducible]
                  instance Narrog2010.instDecidableEqArea :
                  DecidableEq Area
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                  def Narrog2010.instReprArea.repr :
                  AreaStd.Format
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                    Per-area counts of obligation (NEC) and ability/possibility (POT) marking. Source: [Nar10] Table 3 / [Nar12] Table 6.5.

                    • area : Area
                    • bothNecPot :
                    • onlyNec :
                    • onlyPot :
                    • neither :
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                            Count of a specific deontic necessity type.

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                              Total languages across all areas.

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                                Total languages with any NEC marker (both + onlyNec).

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                                  Total languages with any POT marker (both + onlyPot).

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                                    Area totals sum to the sample size.

                                    Languages with any NEC marker: 121 + 10 = 131.

                                    Languages with any POT marker: 121 + 35 = 156. (Paper says 157 = 121 + 35 + 1; the discrepancy is in the original.)

                                    POT markers are more common than NEC markers cross-linguistically. [Nar10] p. 406: 156 vs 131.

                                    Map deontic necessity type to its position in Narrog's 3D space.

                                    Strong obligation is performative + volitive + speaker-oriented: the speaker creates the obligation by uttering it. Weak obligation is descriptive: the speaker reports an existing norm. This difference explains the cross-linguistic asymmetry in grammaticalization.

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                                      Strong obligation is face-threatening (derived from 3D position).

                                      Weak obligation is NOT face-threatening (descriptive, not performative).

                                      Strong obligation is a minority pattern: only 60/200 languages.

                                      Weak obligation (should-type) is at least as common as strong (must-type).

                                      The deontic → epistemic shift is uncommon cross-linguistically.

                                      Of the 8 most common modal changes (Bybee et al. 1994), only changes #6 and #7 go from volitive (deontic) to non-volitive (epistemic), and these are among the least frequent (3 and 2 grams respectively).

                                      Person distribution for Japanese strong necessity -(a)nakereba naranai.

                                      [Nar10] Table 5 (Chiang 2007: 72): of 115 tokens, 0 have a 2nd-person subject. This avoidance reflects the face-threatening nature of strong obligation directed at the addressee.

                                      • construction : String
                                      • firstPerson :
                                      • secondPerson :
                                      • thirdPerson :
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                                              Strong necessity completely avoids 2nd-person subjects.

                                              The abbreviated form allows 2nd-person (mitigated by omitting the negative consequent).

                                              The 2nd-person avoidance pattern is predicted by face-threat: strong necessity (face-threatening) avoids 2nd-person, while the abbreviated form (mitigated → less face-threatening) allows it.

                                              This connects the pragmatic dimension (face-threat from performativity) to the distributional observation (person restrictions).