[Mic04]: Type Shifting in Construction Grammar #
Aspectual coercion without interpolated coercion operators: constructions denote semantic types, and the override principle — "if a lexical item is semantically incompatible with its morphosyntactic context, the meaning of the lexical item conforms to the meaning of the structure in which it is embedded" ((20)) — resolves mismatches in favor of the construction. Concord constructions denote the type they select ((27)); shift constructions denote a different one ((28)); both perform implicit type-shifting via the override, and only shift constructions shift explicitly (Table 3).
Main declarations #
Michaelis2004.inchoativeAddition,onsetSelection,conformToActivity: the reconciliation operatorsMichaelis2004.frameAdverbial(concord, Figure 5) andMichaelis2004.progressive(shift, Figure 6), meaning poles their composition rulesMichaelis2004.frame_adverbial_activity_ambiguity: the two readings of ex. (41), derived from the two operatorsMichaelis2004.progressive_stativizes: progressive predications denote states whatever the complement's Aktionsart
Reconciliation operators #
The override principle repairs a type mismatch by one of the paper's reconciliation operations on the input's aspectual representation.
The addition operator under inchoative construal (§5.1.2): a change is added to the causal representation, so a state yields the achievement of its onset — "They were bored in a minute" denotes the onset of boredom — and an activity a bounded accomplishment. Other types are left as they are.
Equations
- Michaelis2004.inchoativeAddition p = if p.dynamicity = Features.Dynamicity.stative then Features.achievementProfile else if p = Features.activityProfile then Features.accomplishmentProfile else p
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The selection operator (§5.1.2): the onset phase of a durative situation is selected, an achievement — ex. (41)'s reading on which the frame measures the delay before the program began to air.
Equations
- Michaelis2004.onsetSelection p = if p.duration = Features.Duration.durative then Features.achievementProfile else p
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The reconciliation operators available to the frame adverbial.
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The progressive's complement is inherently processual (§5.2.1): the
override conforms any input to the activity type — states via the
addition of hold and an effector to their causal representation, telic
events via their processual construal.
Equations
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The frame adverbial construction (Figure 5, concord) #
The frame adverbial's composition rule: the within frame demands a
telic event and the construct denotes that same type.
Equations
- Michaelis2004.frameAdverbialRule [p] = if p.telicity = Features.Telicity.telic then some p else none
- Michaelis2004.frameAdverbialRule x✝ = none
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The frame adverbial construction (Figure 5): an in-headed adjunct added to the verbal valence.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The progressive construction (Figure 6, shift) #
The progressive's composition rule: an activity complement yields the state holding during the activity's interval, by selection of an intermediate rest in its temporal representation.
Equations
- Michaelis2004.progressiveRule [p] = if p = Features.activityProfile then some Features.stateProfile else none
- Michaelis2004.progressiveRule x✝ = none
Instances For
The progressive construction (Figure 6): auxiliary be with a participial complement whose subject unifies with the auxiliary's — an instance of [KF99]'s coinstantiation construction.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Figure 6's raising property: the subject of be and the complement's subject form one coreference group, the coinstantiation pattern.
Concord vs. shift ((27), (28)) #
A unary rule preserves type when its output type is its input's — (27)'s concord constructions; (28)'s shift constructions fail it.
Equations
- Michaelis2004.PreservesType r = ∀ (p q : Features.AspectualProfile), r [p] = some q → q = p
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The frame adverbial is a concord construction: it denotes the telic event type it selects.
The progressive is a shift construction: it selects activities but denotes states.
Frame-adverbial predictions (§5.1.2) #
"She solved the problem in ten minutes" (Figure 5's instantiation): a telic complement composes directly, with no coercion ambiguity.
Ex. (30), "They were bored in a minute": the stative input conforms by inchoative construal — the onset of boredom, an achievement.
Ex. (41), "My radio program ran in less than four minutes": an activity input is genuinely ambiguous — inchoative addition yields the accomplishment reading (the frame measures the running time), onset selection the achievement reading (the frame measures the delay before airing) — [dS98]'s observation, derived from the operator inventory.
Progressive predictions (§5.2.1) #
"We were playing cards" (Figure 6's explicit shift): an activity complement yields a state directly.
Exx. (31), (42)–(44), "We were living in Boulder": a stative complement conforms to the activity type and the predication is again a state — the "temporary state" reading.
"They were baking a cake": a telic complement is construed as its process, so the culmination is not entailed.
Progressive predications denote states whatever the Aktionsart of the complement (§5.2.1): the apparent paradox of a stativizing construction accepting stative input dissolves under the override.