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Linglib.Studies.Michaelis2004

[Mic04]: Type Shifting in Construction Grammar #

Aspectual coercion without interpolated coercion operators: constructions denote semantic types, and the override principle — "if a lexical item is semantically incompatible with its morphosyntactic context, the meaning of the lexical item conforms to the meaning of the structure in which it is embedded" ((20)) — resolves mismatches in favor of the construction. Concord constructions denote the type they select ((27)); shift constructions denote a different one ((28)); both perform implicit type-shifting via the override, and only shift constructions shift explicitly (Table 3).

Main declarations #

Reconciliation operators #

The override principle repairs a type mismatch by one of the paper's reconciliation operations on the input's aspectual representation.

The addition operator under inchoative construal (§5.1.2): a change is added to the causal representation, so a state yields the achievement of its onset — "They were bored in a minute" denotes the onset of boredom — and an activity a bounded accomplishment. Other types are left as they are.

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    The selection operator (§5.1.2): the onset phase of a durative situation is selected, an achievement — ex. (41)'s reading on which the frame measures the delay before the program began to air.

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      The progressive's complement is inherently processual (§5.2.1): the override conforms any input to the activity type — states via the addition of hold and an effector to their causal representation, telic events via their processual construal.

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        The frame adverbial construction (Figure 5, concord) #

        The frame adverbial's composition rule: the within frame demands a telic event and the construct denotes that same type.

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          The frame adverbial construction (Figure 5): an in-headed adjunct added to the verbal valence.

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            The progressive construction (Figure 6, shift) #

            The progressive's composition rule: an activity complement yields the state holding during the activity's interval, by selection of an intermediate rest in its temporal representation.

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              The progressive construction (Figure 6): auxiliary be with a participial complement whose subject unifies with the auxiliary's — an instance of [KF99]'s coinstantiation construction.

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                Figure 6's raising property: the subject of be and the complement's subject form one coreference group, the coinstantiation pattern.

                Concord vs. shift ((27), (28)) #

                A unary rule preserves type when its output type is its input's — (27)'s concord constructions; (28)'s shift constructions fail it.

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                  The frame adverbial is a concord construction: it denotes the telic event type it selects.

                  The progressive is a shift construction: it selects activities but denotes states.

                  Frame-adverbial predictions (§5.1.2) #

                  "She solved the problem in ten minutes" (Figure 5's instantiation): a telic complement composes directly, with no coercion ambiguity.

                  Ex. (30), "They were bored in a minute": the stative input conforms by inchoative construal — the onset of boredom, an achievement.

                  Ex. (41), "My radio program ran in less than four minutes": an activity input is genuinely ambiguous — inchoative addition yields the accomplishment reading (the frame measures the running time), onset selection the achievement reading (the frame measures the delay before airing) — [dS98]'s observation, derived from the operator inventory.

                  Progressive predictions (§5.2.1) #

                  "We were playing cards" (Figure 6's explicit shift): an activity complement yields a state directly.

                  Exx. (31), (42)–(44), "We were living in Boulder": a stative complement conforms to the activity type and the predication is again a state — the "temporary state" reading.

                  "They were baking a cake": a telic complement is construed as its process, so the culmination is not entailed.

                  Progressive predications denote states whatever the Aktionsart of the complement (§5.2.1): the apparent paradox of a stativizing construction accepting stative input dissolves under the override.