Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Maier2015

Maier (2015), Parasitic Attitudes #

[Mai15]'s solution to the [Kar73] attitude-projection puzzle, formalized as Maier actually states it: a DRT mechanism, not a world-accessibility abstraction — now over the faithful model-theoretic DRS core (Semantics/Dynamic/DRS/).

The puzzle #

[Kar73] (ex. 42) observed that

"Bill believed Fred had been beating his wife and he hoped Fred would stop"

does not presuppose, for the speaker, that Fred was beating his wife — the presupposition of stop is filtered by the preceding belief. The asymmetry is sharpest with the additive trigger too (Maier's (7a)/(7b)): belief-then-hope filters, hope-then-belief does not.

Maier's mechanism (what this file models) #

Maier represents an agent's mental state as a single DRS: a global belief layer K_BEL with labeled non-doxastic compartments (DES, IMG, INT) embedded inside it (his (26), (32)). By the standard DRT accessibility (subordination) relation, discourse referents introduced in the belief layer are accessible from an embedded desire compartment, but referents introduced inside the desire compartment are not accessible to the belief layer. That is the parasitism — realized purely structurally (the labels are not intensional operators; Maier fn. 11). Karttunen's puzzle is then solved by two operations (his §5): a sequence of same-agent attitude ascriptions is merged into one mental-state description (his (58)), after which the presupposition triggered in the desire compartment binds ([vdS92] presupposition-as-anaphora) to the now-accessible believed event (his (59)→(60)), rather than projecting.

Main declarations #

Substrate fit (what the faithful core does and does not provide) #

Empirical projection facts #

A recorded judgment about an attitude-sequence sentence: whether the embedded presupposition projects to the speaker, whether it is attributed to the attitude holder, and whether the sentence is acceptable.

  • sentence : String

    The sentence being judged.

  • presupProjectsToSpeaker : Bool

    Does the presupposition project to the speaker?

  • presupProjectsToHolder : Bool

    Is the presupposition attributed to the attitude holder?

  • acceptable : Bool

    Is the sentence acceptable?

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      Karttunen's puzzle (ex. 42): a believe-then-hope sequence filters the presupposition of stop, which therefore does not project to the speaker.

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        Maier's (7a): belief-then-hope filters the too-presupposition, so the discourse is felicitous.

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          Maier's (7b): hope-then-belief does not filter the too-presupposition, which projects and renders the discourse infelicitous. The contrast with (7a) is the asymmetry the parasitic account explains.

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            Maier's (22a): the asymmetry extends to purely representational attitudes (imagine/dream) lacking a preference component — belief-then-imagine filters.

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              Maier's (22b): the reverse order (imagine-then-believe) does not filter.

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                All empirical judgments collected in this module.

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                  The non-filtering cases: a parasitic attitude precedes a doxastic one.

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                    In every filtering case the presupposition stays off the speaker; in every non-filtering case it projects. This is the asymmetry the mechanism below derives.

                    The DRS language of the Karttunen example (Maier §5.3) #

                    inductive Maier2015.MaierRel :
                    Type

                    Relations of the Karttunen example: sue/jane (1-ary), husband (2-ary, husband(h, j)), event-style cheat(e, j, h) (3-ary, event + cheater + victim), stop(j, e') (2-ary, agent + event).

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                      def Maier2015.maierLang :
                      FirstOrder.Language

                      The first-order language of the example (no functions).

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                        @[reducible, inline]

                        Conditions over maierLang with discourse referents.

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                          Mental-state descriptions (Maier §3.1) #

                          Attitude-mode labels for non-doxastic compartments. Per Maier (fn. 11) these are labels, not intensional operators — they do not affect DRT accessibility, only which compartment an ascription contributes to under merge.

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                            @[implicit_reducible]
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                            def Maier2015.instReprAttMode.repr :
                            AttModeStd.Format
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                                @[implicit_reducible]
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                                A labeled non-doxastic compartment: an embedded sub-DRS (its own discourse referents and conditions) under an attitude-mode label.

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                                  Maier's mental-state description: a global belief layer (discourse referents

                                  • conditions) with embedded labeled compartments. Mirrors his (32) K = K_BEL with DES-K_DES embedded.
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                                    Flatten a mental state to a single DRS maierLang: the belief box containing the belief conditions plus, for each compartment, a subordinate sub-box. Because each compartment is embedded inside the belief box, the core's accessibleFrom makes belief referents accessible from a compartment but not conversely — Maier's parasitism, for free.

                                    Standard DRT (the core) has no labeled / operator-free embedded-box condition (Maier fn. 11), so neg stands in purely as the subordination device: accScope descends into any complex condition identically, so the accessibility geometry the theorems test is exactly Maier's; neg's truth-semantics is immaterial here.

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                                      Attitude merge (Maier §5.2, (58)) #

                                      Append one compartment's content into another of the same mode.

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                                        Merge two compartment lists by attitude mode: like-mode compartments are combined, others carried over.

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                                          Maier's attitude-merge (his (58)): combine two partial descriptions of one agent's mental state by merging the belief layers and merging like-mode compartments. The core's merge is flat concatenation (gap 2); this respects the belief/compartment structure.

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                                            Presupposition binding (Maier §4.2, van der Sandt) #

                                            def Maier2015.MentalState.bind (presup antecedent : ) (K : MentalState) :

                                            Resolve a presupposition by binding its referent presup to an accessible antecedent: drop presup from the universes and rename it to antecedent throughout, via the core's functorial Condition.map (capture-free since the DRS is proper). Licensed only when antecedent is accessible from presup (checked separately via DRS.Accessible).

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                                              Solving Karttunen's puzzle (Maier §5.3, (53)–(60)) #

                                              "Sue thinks that Jane has been cheating on her husband. She hopes that Jane will stop cheating on him." Referents: s = 10, j = 11, h = 12, e = 20 (the believed cheating event), e' = 21 (the cheating event presupposed by stop).

                                              After sentence 1: Sue believes there is a cheating event e (Maier (59), belief layer).

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                                                After sentence 2 (in isolation): Sue's desire compartment contains stop(j, e') and the presupposed cheating event e', with no belief-layer antecedent of its own.

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                                                  The two ascriptions merged into one mental-state description (Maier (59)).

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                                                    The merged description after binding the presupposed event e' to the believed event e (Maier (60)).

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                                                      Before merge, the believed cheating event does not even occur in the lone hope description, so the stop presupposition has no antecedent to bind to — only (dispreferred) accommodation is available.

                                                      After merge, the believed cheating event e (20) is accessible from the desire-compartment presupposition e' (21): binding e' = e is licensed. This is the filtering, reusing the core's DRS.Accessible unchanged.

                                                      The dependence is asymmetric (Maier §3.1, fn. 11): the believed event in the belief layer does not see the desire-compartment referent. Belief can filter desire's presupposition, not conversely.

                                                      After binding, the presupposed cheating referent e' (21) no longer occurs: it has been identified with the believed event e (20), so the presupposition is resolved by binding (filtered), not accommodated or projected (Maier's (60)).