[LG25] — Anti-Conventional Implicatures #
Lo Guercio, N. (2025). Maximize Conventional Implicatures! Semantics & Pragmatics, 18(9). https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.18.9
Scalar inferences can arise from comparing CI content, not just at-issue or presuppositional content. These are Anti-Conventional Implicatures (ACIs). Evidence comes from epithets, honorifics (don/doña), nominal appositives, supplementary adverbs, and emotive markers.
The mechanism parallels:
- Scalar Implicatures: compare at-issue content (Conversational Principle, [Kat07])
- Antipresuppositions: compare presuppositional content (Maximize Presupposition, [Sch12b])
- ACIs: compare CI content (Maximize Conventional Implicatures!)
All three are instances of violatesMaximize from
Semantics/Alternatives/Competition.lean, applied to different content
dimensions; violatesMCIs is the CI-content instantiation. The two
structural-parallel theorems
violatesMaximize_of_violatesMP and violatesMP_of_violatesMaximize_sameAssertion
(in Competition.lean) discharge Lo Guercio's §4 diagnostic that "ACIs do
not require same assertive content, unlike antipresuppositions" — MP is
literally Maximize-on-presupposition plus a same-assertion clause.
The CI content function used in the §3 worked example follows the [Gut15] / [Kap99] felicity-set semantics adopted by Lo Guercio (paper def 12, p. 9): ⟦φ⟧ᵘ is the set of contexts where φ is felicitously usable. The bare sentence is felicitous everywhere (trivial CI); the epithet construction is felicitous only at worlds where the speaker holds the relevant CI-belief.
Main declarations #
Examples— the paper's 15 empirical items, sourced fromLinglib/Data/Examples/LoGuercio2025.json.EWord,epithetLex,johnArrived,bastardJohnArrived,bastardPedroDP,priorContextLex— vocabulary, lexicons, and trees for the §3 worked example.expressiveCI— concrete CI content function modeling Lo Guercio's felicity-set semantics for the epithet construction.outOfBlue_no_ACI— out-of-the-blue (paper (18)): no formal alternative supplies stronger epithet-CI than the bare sentence, soviolatesMCIsdoes NOT fire.priorMention_yes_ACI— prior-mention configuration (paper (20a)): with the epithet construction contextually relevant (added to the substitution source),violatesMCIsDOES fire.outOfBlue_vs_priorMention_contrast— the paper's central diagnosis packaged as a single theorem: same content function, same host, two substitution sources, opposite outcomes.
Implementation notes #
Empirical items live as typed LinguisticExample rows in
Linglib/Data/Examples/LoGuercio2025.json and are inserted between
-- BEGIN/END GENERATED EXAMPLES markers by scripts/gen_examples.py.
The paperFeatures field records paper-internal classifications
(aciStatus, expressionType, licensingMechanism); downstream
theorems project these as needed.
The §3 worked example uses a STRUCTURAL PROXY for the felicity-set CI
semantics: expressiveCI φ w is true iff φ lacks the structural marker
of the epithet construction (containsCat .DP here — the bare-name
subject is intentionally modeled as a bare [N john] terminal, while
the epithet variant introduces the [DP that bastard john] node) OR the
speaker holds the CI belief at w. The structural proxy is faithful to
the paper's mechanism for this fragment — the CI is triggered by the
epithet DP construction — and lets category_preservation discharge the
out-of-the-blue case constructively. A full compositional interpretation
through Pragmatics.Expressives.TwoDimProp.ci would require a Pottsian
lexical entry for bastard and a tree-interpretation function; see the
Todo bullet below.
The contrastive-honorific ACI in (22a) is read in Lo Guercio (around (24),
paper p. 14) as a Horn-style upper-bounding inference — at most the
lower honorific attitude toward the bare-name referent — not as a literal
contrastive denial. The JSON comment field for that example records this
distinction.
The Japanese vs Spanish honorific systematicity contrast (paper §3.2.2,
JSON outOfBlue_honorific and contrastive_honorific comments) is the
paper's key cross-linguistic argument and is grounded in [McC19b]
(plain vs desu/masu polite-form competition) and [Osh23]
(san/kun/chan affixal designation terms). In Japanese, ADTs and
polite forms are systematically contextually relevant by virtue of a
default expectation of honorification; their omission systematically
triggers an ACI. Spanish don/doña lacks this default expectation, so
omission triggers an ACI only when honorification is locally relevant.
Todo #
- Replace
expressiveCIwith a compositional interpretation throughPragmatics.Expressives.TwoDimProp.ci: define a Pottsian lexical entrybastardLex : TwoDimProp Worldand an interpretation functioninterpret : Tree Cat EWord → TwoDimProp World, then deriveexpressiveCIas(interpret φ).ci. Substrate-level change; defer. - §3.2.4 expressive-adjective argument extension (paper p. 25-27): Lo Guercio is explicit (p. 26) that he merely points to a tentative line of analysis (late-merge at PF following [LGO22]); not formalized.
- §4 embeddability data (paper (55)-(60)) — paper devotes 3 pages;
promote to a shared embeddability generalisation (
Data/Generalizations/) once a second study (Kratzer 1999 or Potts 2007) contributes parallel stimuli. - §4 Magri-style oddness puzzles (paper (64)-(68)) — paper itself declares this unresolved/erratic; defer.
- The
priorMention_yes_ACIreachability hypothesis is currently supplied by the caller. A constructive proof requires either modeling the bare-name subject as[DP [N john]](paper (24) notation) and a stronger structural-preservation lemma thancategory_preservation(one that tracks 1-child vs multi-child DP nodes), or a separate worked tree for the priorMention case. Substrate refactor; defer.
§3 worked example: epithet as structural alternative #
The §3 mechanism in two stages:
- Out of the blue: the epithet construction
[DP that bastard John]requires more structural complexity than the bare-name sentence provides.category_preservation(Structural.lean) closes the "no DP reachable" lemma constructively. - Prior mention: when the epithet construction occurs elsewhere in
the discourse (paper's
[DP that bastard Pedro]in (20a)), the substitution source clause (a) admits it as "contextually relevant" ([FK11] def 41). We model this by addingbastardPedroDPtopriorContextLex. Now two Katzir substitutions reachbastardJohnArrived: outer DP → bastardPedroDP, then inner Pedro → John.
Equations
- LoGuercio2025.instDecidableEqEWord x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr LoGuercio2025.EWord.john prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "LoGuercio2025.EWord.john")).group prec✝
- LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr LoGuercio2025.EWord.pedro prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "LoGuercio2025.EWord.pedro")).group prec✝
- LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr LoGuercio2025.EWord.first prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "LoGuercio2025.EWord.first")).group prec✝
- LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr LoGuercio2025.EWord.that_ prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "LoGuercio2025.EWord.that_")).group prec✝
Instances For
Equations
- LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord = { reprPrec := LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr }
Equations
- LoGuercio2025.instBEqEWord = { beq := fun (a b : LoGuercio2025.EWord) => decide (a = b) }
Out-of-the-blue lexicon: terminals only, no DP-shaped items.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
φ = "John arrived first" — bare-name subject, NO DP node.
The bare-name N-terminal modeling is the structural proxy that lets
category_preservation close the OOTB no-ACI direction (the source has
no DP, so no reachable tree does). The paper's actual modeling of John
as a DP ([DP John], paper (24)) would require a richer subtree-tracking
lemma.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
φ' = "[DP that bastard John] arrived first" — epithet DP subject.
Strictly more complex than johnArrived: replaces the terminal [N John]
with a 3-child DP [DP that bastard John].
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The epithet DP for Pedro: [DP that bastard Pedro]. In the paper's
prior-mention configuration (20a), this constituent is introduced by the
second conjunct ("then that bastard Pedro arrived") and becomes
contextually relevant — by Fox-Katzir's substitution-source clause (a)
it then enters the source for the first conjunct's alternatives.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Prior-mention lexicon: out-of-the-blue lexicon augmented by the
contextually-relevant bastardPedroDP constituent. This is the
substitution-source clause (a) in [FK11] def 41 made
concrete: "α is contextually relevant in c (e.g., by virtue of having
been mentioned)" → α enters the substitution source.
Instances For
Structural lemmas (OOTB case via category_preservation) #
The epithet sentence contains a DP node.
The bare sentence has no DP node.
The OOTB substitution source contains no DP.
The OOTB epithet sentence is NOT a structural alternative.
Discharged by category_preservation: no source item has a DP, the
host has no DP, so no reachable tree has a DP — but the epithet variant
does.
CI content via felicity-set semantics #
expressiveCI is the operative content function fed to violatesMCIs.
It models Lo Guercio's def-12 felicity-set semantics (Gutzmann 2015 /
Kaplan 1999): the bare sentence is felicitous everywhere (trivial CI);
the epithet construction is felicitous only at worlds where the speaker
holds the negative-attitude CI toward John.
World type for the §3 example: a Bool flag for whether the speaker believes John is a bastard at this world.
Equations
- LoGuercio2025.World = Bool
Instances For
The speaker-belief predicate (just w under the Bool world model).
Equations
- LoGuercio2025.speakerBelievesJohnBastard w = (w = true)
Instances For
A tree carries the epithet CI iff it contains a DP node (structural proxy for "the epithet construction is present"; see Implementation notes).
Instances For
Felicity-set CI content ([Gut15] / [Kap99]; adopted by Lo Guercio (paper def 12, p. 9)).
expressiveCI φ w holds iff φ is felicitous at world w on the
CI dimension: either it doesn't carry the epithet CI (true vacuously
for non-epithet sentences) or the speaker actually believes the CI
content at w (the felicity condition for using the epithet).
Equations
Instances For
The epithet variant is CI-stronger than the bare sentence: the bare sentence is felicitous at every world; the epithet variant only at worlds where the speaker believes.
Thesis discharge — the OOTB / priorMention contrast #
Out of the blue, the bare sentence "John arrived first" does NOT violate MCIs!: no formal alternative in the substitution source supplies stronger epithet-CI content than the bare sentence itself.
The proof works by contradiction. Any φ' witnessing violatesMCIs must
have ¬ expressiveCI φ' w at some world — which by the felicity-set
definition forces hasEpithetStructure φ' = True, i.e. φ' contains a
DP. But category_preservation says no Katzir-reachable tree from the
DP-free source has a DP. Contradiction.
Prior mention (paper (20a)): when an alternative source
makes the epithet variant bastardJohnArrived reachable (by Fox-Katzir
def 41 clause (a): "α is contextually relevant in c (e.g., by virtue
of having been mentioned)" — the second conjunct's [DP that bastard Pedro] enters the substitution source for the first conjunct's
alternatives), the bare sentence violates MCIs!.
The reachability is supplied as a hypothesis (h_reach) rather than
proved constructively. The paper's substitution-source clause (a) IS
what provides this hypothesis: the constructive proof would require
either modeling the bare-name subject as [DP [N john]] (paper (24)
notation) — which breaks the category_preservation route used by
outOfBlue_no_ACI — or a stronger structural-preservation lemma
distinguishing 1-child from multi-child DPs. Either route is a
substrate refactor and is flagged in the Todo bullet for
expressiveCI's compositional-interpretation upgrade.
The paper's central contrast (paper §3.2.1, contrasting (18)-(19)
with (20)-(23)): same content function, same host sentence, two
substitution sources — opposite violatesMCIs outcomes. The contrast
turns purely on whether the CI-stronger formal alternative is in the
source (the second hypothesis); under expressiveCI the epithet IS
CI-stronger in both cases.
This is the operational content of Lo Guercio's claim that ACI licensing depends on whether the CI alternative is a formal alternative, NOT on whether it is theoretically CI-stronger.