Documentation

Linglib.Studies.LoGuercio2025

[LG25] — Anti-Conventional Implicatures #

Lo Guercio, N. (2025). Maximize Conventional Implicatures! Semantics & Pragmatics, 18(9). https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.18.9

Scalar inferences can arise from comparing CI content, not just at-issue or presuppositional content. These are Anti-Conventional Implicatures (ACIs). Evidence comes from epithets, honorifics (don/doña), nominal appositives, supplementary adverbs, and emotive markers.

The mechanism parallels:

All three are instances of violatesMaximize from Semantics/Alternatives/Competition.lean, applied to different content dimensions; violatesMCIs is the CI-content instantiation. The two structural-parallel theorems violatesMaximize_of_violatesMP and violatesMP_of_violatesMaximize_sameAssertion (in Competition.lean) discharge Lo Guercio's §4 diagnostic that "ACIs do not require same assertive content, unlike antipresuppositions" — MP is literally Maximize-on-presupposition plus a same-assertion clause.

The CI content function used in the §3 worked example follows the [Gut15] / [Kap99] felicity-set semantics adopted by Lo Guercio (paper def 12, p. 9): ⟦φ⟧ᵘ is the set of contexts where φ is felicitously usable. The bare sentence is felicitous everywhere (trivial CI); the epithet construction is felicitous only at worlds where the speaker holds the relevant CI-belief.

Main declarations #

Implementation notes #

Empirical items live as typed LinguisticExample rows in Linglib/Data/Examples/LoGuercio2025.json and are inserted between -- BEGIN/END GENERATED EXAMPLES markers by scripts/gen_examples.py. The paperFeatures field records paper-internal classifications (aciStatus, expressionType, licensingMechanism); downstream theorems project these as needed.

The §3 worked example uses a STRUCTURAL PROXY for the felicity-set CI semantics: expressiveCI φ w is true iff φ lacks the structural marker of the epithet construction (containsCat .DP here — the bare-name subject is intentionally modeled as a bare [N john] terminal, while the epithet variant introduces the [DP that bastard john] node) OR the speaker holds the CI belief at w. The structural proxy is faithful to the paper's mechanism for this fragment — the CI is triggered by the epithet DP construction — and lets category_preservation discharge the out-of-the-blue case constructively. A full compositional interpretation through Pragmatics.Expressives.TwoDimProp.ci would require a Pottsian lexical entry for bastard and a tree-interpretation function; see the Todo bullet below.

The contrastive-honorific ACI in (22a) is read in Lo Guercio (around (24), paper p. 14) as a Horn-style upper-bounding inference — at most the lower honorific attitude toward the bare-name referent — not as a literal contrastive denial. The JSON comment field for that example records this distinction.

The Japanese vs Spanish honorific systematicity contrast (paper §3.2.2, JSON outOfBlue_honorific and contrastive_honorific comments) is the paper's key cross-linguistic argument and is grounded in [McC19b] (plain vs desu/masu polite-form competition) and [Osh23] (san/kun/chan affixal designation terms). In Japanese, ADTs and polite forms are systematically contextually relevant by virtue of a default expectation of honorification; their omission systematically triggers an ACI. Spanish don/doña lacks this default expectation, so omission triggers an ACI only when honorification is locally relevant.

Todo #

§3 worked example: epithet as structural alternative #

The §3 mechanism in two stages:

  1. Out of the blue: the epithet construction [DP that bastard John] requires more structural complexity than the bare-name sentence provides. category_preservation (Structural.lean) closes the "no DP reachable" lemma constructively.
  2. Prior mention: when the epithet construction occurs elsewhere in the discourse (paper's [DP that bastard Pedro] in (20a)), the substitution source clause (a) admits it as "contextually relevant" ([FK11] def 41). We model this by adding bastardPedroDP to priorContextLex. Now two Katzir substitutions reach bastardJohnArrived: outer DP → bastardPedroDP, then inner Pedro → John.

Vocabulary for the epithet worked example.

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    def LoGuercio2025.instReprEWord.repr :
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      Out-of-the-blue lexicon: terminals only, no DP-shaped items.

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        φ = "John arrived first" — bare-name subject, NO DP node.

        The bare-name N-terminal modeling is the structural proxy that lets category_preservation close the OOTB no-ACI direction (the source has no DP, so no reachable tree does). The paper's actual modeling of John as a DP ([DP John], paper (24)) would require a richer subtree-tracking lemma.

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          φ' = "[DP that bastard John] arrived first" — epithet DP subject. Strictly more complex than johnArrived: replaces the terminal [N John] with a 3-child DP [DP that bastard John].

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            The epithet DP for Pedro: [DP that bastard Pedro]. In the paper's prior-mention configuration (20a), this constituent is introduced by the second conjunct ("then that bastard Pedro arrived") and becomes contextually relevant — by Fox-Katzir's substitution-source clause (a) it then enters the source for the first conjunct's alternatives.

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              Prior-mention lexicon: out-of-the-blue lexicon augmented by the contextually-relevant bastardPedroDP constituent. This is the substitution-source clause (a) in [FK11] def 41 made concrete: "α is contextually relevant in c (e.g., by virtue of having been mentioned)" → α enters the substitution source.

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                Structural lemmas (OOTB case via category_preservation) #

                The OOTB epithet sentence is NOT a structural alternative. Discharged by category_preservation: no source item has a DP, the host has no DP, so no reachable tree has a DP — but the epithet variant does.

                CI content via felicity-set semantics #

                expressiveCI is the operative content function fed to violatesMCIs. It models Lo Guercio's def-12 felicity-set semantics (Gutzmann 2015 / Kaplan 1999): the bare sentence is felicitous everywhere (trivial CI); the epithet construction is felicitous only at worlds where the speaker holds the negative-attitude CI toward John.

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                World type for the §3 example: a Bool flag for whether the speaker believes John is a bastard at this world.

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                  The speaker-belief predicate (just w under the Bool world model).

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                    A tree carries the epithet CI iff it contains a DP node (structural proxy for "the epithet construction is present"; see Implementation notes).

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                      Felicity-set CI content ([Gut15] / [Kap99]; adopted by Lo Guercio (paper def 12, p. 9)).

                      expressiveCI φ w holds iff φ is felicitous at world w on the CI dimension: either it doesn't carry the epithet CI (true vacuously for non-epithet sentences) or the speaker actually believes the CI content at w (the felicity condition for using the epithet).

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                        The epithet variant is CI-stronger than the bare sentence: the bare sentence is felicitous at every world; the epithet variant only at worlds where the speaker believes.

                        Thesis discharge — the OOTB / priorMention contrast #

                        Out of the blue, the bare sentence "John arrived first" does NOT violate MCIs!: no formal alternative in the substitution source supplies stronger epithet-CI content than the bare sentence itself.

                        The proof works by contradiction. Any φ' witnessing violatesMCIs must have ¬ expressiveCI φ' w at some world — which by the felicity-set definition forces hasEpithetStructure φ' = True, i.e. φ' contains a DP. But category_preservation says no Katzir-reachable tree from the DP-free source has a DP. Contradiction.

                        Prior mention (paper (20a)): when an alternative source makes the epithet variant bastardJohnArrived reachable (by Fox-Katzir def 41 clause (a): "α is contextually relevant in c (e.g., by virtue of having been mentioned)" — the second conjunct's [DP that bastard Pedro] enters the substitution source for the first conjunct's alternatives), the bare sentence violates MCIs!.

                        The reachability is supplied as a hypothesis (h_reach) rather than proved constructively. The paper's substitution-source clause (a) IS what provides this hypothesis: the constructive proof would require either modeling the bare-name subject as [DP [N john]] (paper (24) notation) — which breaks the category_preservation route used by outOfBlue_no_ACI — or a stronger structural-preservation lemma distinguishing 1-child from multi-child DPs. Either route is a substrate refactor and is flagged in the Todo bullet for expressiveCI's compositional-interpretation upgrade.

                        The paper's central contrast (paper §3.2.1, contrasting (18)-(19) with (20)-(23)): same content function, same host sentence, two substitution sources — opposite violatesMCIs outcomes. The contrast turns purely on whether the CI-stronger formal alternative is in the source (the second hypothesis); under expressiveCI the epithet IS CI-stronger in both cases.

                        This is the operational content of Lo Guercio's claim that ACI licensing depends on whether the CI alternative is a formal alternative, NOT on whether it is theoretically CI-stronger.