Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Landau2026

Landau 2026: Silent Resumption [Lan26] #

The Ellipsis-Internal Resumption (EIR) test distinguishes deep from surface anaphora ([HS76]). By the Ban on Vacuous Quantification ([Cho82]), an Ā-operator can bind into a null site iff the site has LF-visible structure to host a resumptive variable — iff it is a surface anaphor (ellipsis). EIR improves on the extraction test: resumptive dependencies are fixed at LF, so EIR failure cannot be bled by derivational timing and is unambiguously diagnostic of a deep anaphor.

allData gathers the paper's rows — Hebrew nP/DP/PP ellipsis (where the extraction test is unavailable: DPs are absolute islands and P-stranding is barred) and the cross-linguistic "mixed anaphors" (English do so, Dutch dat doen, Danish det, Korean null objects), all diagnosed deep.

Types #

Anaphoric depth (deep/surface, [HS76]) is the framework-neutral substrate primitive Anaphor.Depth; EN/NCA/pro/do so/dat doen/det are .deep, VP-ellipsis/ENP/AE/PPE are .surface.

Syntactic domain of the null element.

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      BVQ and the EIR prediction #

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      EIR prediction. A null site passes the Ellipsis-Internal Resumption test iff it has LF-visible internal structure (Anaphor.Depth.HasInternalStructure) — iff it is a surface anaphor. The paper's argument: by the BVQ ([Cho82]) an Ā-operator must bind a variable at LF; a resumptive pronoun is that variable, and it can only be hosted inside a site with internal structure; so binding into a null site is licensed iff the site is a surface anaphor. The prediction is therefore literally the substrate structural property, not a separate stipulation.

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        EIR vs the classic tests (extraction, agreement) #

        All three are Diagnostics over Anaphor.Depth: a pass means the site had structure to host the variable/trace (surface). They differ only in what a failure admits — and that single field is the paper's whole point. Extraction and agreement are the two reliable classic diagnostics ([Lan26], after [Mer01]); EIR is the new third one.

        The EIR test as a depth diagnostic. A pass is hostsVariable (surface structure hosts the resumptive); a failure can only be a deepAnaphor, because resumptive dependencies are established at LF and cannot be bled by derivational timing, nor blocked by islands.

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          The extraction test as a depth diagnostic. A pass is hostsVariable (surface); a failure is ambiguous — a deepAnaphor, or a surface site whose Ā-movement was derivationalBleeding (bled by ellipsis timing) or islandBlocking. That extra ambiguity is exactly the gap EIR closes.

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            Headline — Landau's contribution. EIR decides anaphoric depth: on every site the verdict recovers the depth exactly — a pass means surface (ellipsis), a failure means deep. This is what "a new test for ellipsis" amounts to, made precise as Diagnostic.Decides.

            Extraction does not decide depth: on a deep site its verdict still admits surface (the failure could be a bled or island-blocked extraction), so it is inconclusive exactly where EIR is decisive.

            EIR strictly refines extraction: identical on a pass, but EIR resolves the failure extraction leaves open (its failure-causes are a subset).

            The agreement test as a depth diagnostic. The other reliable classic diagnostic ([Lan26], after [Mer01]). A pass is hostsVariable (surface); a failure is ambiguous between a deepAnaphor and a surface site whose agreement was derivationalBleeding (bled by ellipsis timing). Agreement is not movement, so it has no island confound — but it is still inconclusive on failure. (It is also inapplicable in agreement-less languages, the analogue of extractionAvailable = false.)

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              Agreement, like extraction, does not decide depth: its failure also admits a bled-but-surface site. EIR escapes this confound too.

              EIR refines agreement too — so EIR decides depth where both reliable classic tests are inconclusive, escaping both their derivational-bleeding (and, for extraction, island) confounds. This is Landau's actual headline: EIR matches the confidence of the classic diagnostics while their failure-confounds it lacks.

              Data #

              The empirical rows live in Data/Examples/Landau2026.json (typed LinguisticExamples — the paper's (18a)–(47b) stimuli). The study reads each row's EIR-relevant classification by projection: domain/depth/extraction from paperFeatures, and grammaticality straight off the example's judgment — passing EIR is the resumptive-binding sentence being acceptable.

              The null-element domain of an EIR example (from paperFeatures).

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                The Hankamer–Sag Anaphor.Depth of an EIR example (from paperFeatures).

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                  Whether the example passes EIR — this is its grammaticality judgment: the resumptive-binding sentence is acceptable iff the site hosts the variable.

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                    Whether the extraction test is applicable to the example's domain (false for the Hebrew nominal domains, which are absolute islands).

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                      Data collections #

                      EN/NCA/pro/do so/dat doen/det are deep; ENP/AE/PPE/VP-ellipsis surface. Each example's comment in the JSON carries the construction notes.

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                        Summary properties #

                        Every datum's observed grammaticality (eirGrammatical, off its judgment) matches the PassesEIR prediction read off its depth — the decide p = true ↔ p bridge between a recorded observation and the substrate structural property.

                        All data are consistent: every example's EIR grammaticality matches the prediction read off its depth classification.

                        Hebrew has both deep and surface strategies in all three nominal domains (nP, DP, PP).

                        Extraction is unavailable for all Hebrew domains tested. This is precisely why the EIR test is needed: it provides syntactic evidence where the extraction test cannot.

                        All four cross-linguistic mixed anaphors are diagnosed as deep.

                        Integration with existing infrastructure #

                        Hebrew has a productive resumptive strategy in relativization — the prerequisite for applying the EIR test. The same resumptive pronoun type that RelativeClause.NPRelType.resumptive models for relative clauses is what the EIR test probes for inside ellipsis sites.

                        The EIR test relies on base-generated resumption. The paper's argument turns on resumptive dependencies being fixed at LF (binding, not movement), so ellipsis timing cannot bleed them — exactly ResumptiveKind.bound. The Sichel-refined Hebrew marker relSheBoundResumptive carries this kind, making the paper's "binding, not movement" mechanism true by construction against the relativization substrate ([Sic14]).

                        The resumptive strategy covers the genitive position on the Accessibility Hierarchy, where possessive resumptive pronouns (the most common type in the EIR data) sit.

                        The gap strategy does NOT cover genitive — this is why possessive dependencies in Hebrew require resumption, making the EIR test applicable.