Lamont (2022): footing in directional Harmonic Serialism #
[Lam22b] develops a theory of quantity-insensitive footing in Harmonic Serialism
(HS; [PS93]) where CON contains only directionally evaluated
constraints ([Lam22d]; Eisner 2000): a constraint maps a candidate to a
per-position violation vector, and candidates are ordered lexicographically by the
location of violations rather than their total count. The central result is that
Parse(σ) — penalising unfooted syllables — under directional evaluation both motivates
iterative footing and decides where feet surface, obviating alignment constraints
([McCP93]); having Trochee/Iamb penalise monosyllabic feet additionally
obviates FtBin ([MPK15]).
This file formalises the central QI result. GEN parses one foot per step
([Pru10]; [Pru12]): a single unfooted σ into a monosyllabic foot, or two
adjacent unfooted σ into a disyllabic foot. We reuse the canonical Prosody.Foot
(S = Unit, since QI footing strips weight) assembled flatly — a footing is a
sequence of feet and stray syllables with no designated head foot, because Lamont does
not distinguish primary from secondary stress (so the headed Prosody.Word ω, which is
a footing plus a head foot, is deliberately not the candidate type here). Parse(σ)
is a Constraints.directionalBlock over σ-positions; Trochee/Iamb read the foot
head off Foot.head.
Main results #
murinbata_exhaustive/pintupi_inexhaustive— the headline contrast: the same 5σ step parses exhaustively underParse(σ) ≫ Trochee([SM81]) but stays faithful (final σ unfooted) underTrochee ≫ Parse(σ)([HH69]).ftbin_obviated— a monosyllabic-foot candidate is harmonically bounded with noFtBinin CON ([MPK15]).
Deferred (prose) #
The paper's bidirectional Waorani case study (§3 — a head foot at the right edge with
secondary feet built left-to-right) is its showcase and the natural next extension;
Macedonian (Hd(ω)/NonFinality), Garawa, and Cayuvava ternarity (*FootFoot) each
need further constraints; the software-computed factorial typology (§4) is a meta-claim,
not a per-string prediction. All are noted here, not formalised.
Footings #
A footing here is the canonical Prosody.Footing Unit (quantity-insensitive, so feet
are Foot Unit): a flat sequence of feet and unfooted stray σ, no designated head foot
([Lam22b], abstracting from primary stress). Parse(σ) reads Footing.strayMarks;
Trochee/Iamb read each foot's head (Foot.head).
A (left-headed) trochee (σ́σ).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.troch = { syllables := [(), ()], head := 0 }
Instances For
A (right-headed) iamb (σσ́).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.iamb = { syllables := [(), ()], head := 1 }
Instances For
The directional constraints #
Parse(σ) ([Lam22b] (10)) is a Constraints.directionalBlock: a per-position
block of binary constraints, position i ↦ ⟦σ i is unfooted⟧. Trochee (15) and
Iamb (18) penalise feet by head position — Trochee a foot whose head is rightmost
(= Foot.IsIambic, true of iambs and monosyllables), Iamb a foot whose head is
leftmost (= Foot.IsTrochaic, true of trochees and monosyllables); a monosyllabic foot
violates both, doing FtBin's work.
Parse(σ) as a directional block over n σ-positions.
Equations
- Lamont2022c.parse n = Constraints.directionalBlock n fun (i : Fin n) (fc : Prosody.Footing Unit) => fc.strayMarks.getD (↑i) 0 = 1
Instances For
Trochee: one violation per foot whose head is rightmost (= Foot.IsIambic).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.trochee fc = (List.filter (fun (f : Prosody.Foot Unit) => decide f.IsIambic) fc.feet).length
Instances For
Iamb: one violation per foot whose head is leftmost (= Foot.IsTrochaic).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.iambC fc = (List.filter (fun (f : Prosody.Foot Unit) => decide f.IsTrochaic) fc.feet).length
Instances For
The violation vector of a footing under a ranking (a list of constraints), as the
concatenated per-constraint violations — ordered lexicographically (LexLE).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.profile ranking fc = List.map (fun (c : Constraints.Constraint (Prosody.Footing Unit)) => c fc) ranking
Instances For
Murinbata ranking Parse(σ) ≫ Trochee ≫ Iamb ([SM81]).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.murinbata n = Lamont2022c.parse n ++ [fun (fc : Prosody.Footing Unit) => Lamont2022c.trochee fc, fun (fc : Prosody.Footing Unit) => Lamont2022c.iambC fc]
Instances For
Pintupi ranking Trochee ≫ Parse(σ) ≫ Iamb ([HH69]).
Equations
- Lamont2022c.pintupi n = (fun (fc : Prosody.Footing Unit) => Lamont2022c.trochee fc) :: Lamont2022c.parse n ++ [fun (fc : Prosody.Footing Unit) => Lamont2022c.iambC fc]
Instances For
The headline: exhaustive vs inexhaustive (the decisive step) #
The same 5σ string at the step from (σ́σ)(σ́σ)σ: GEN can parse the final stray σ into
a monosyllabic foot (exhaustive) or leave it (faithful, converged).
(σ́σ)(σ́σ)σ — two trochees and a final unfooted σ.
Equations
- Lamont2022c.faithful = [Sum.inl Lamont2022c.troch, Sum.inl Lamont2022c.troch, Sum.inr ()]
Instances For
(σ́σ)(σ́σ)(σ́) — the final σ parsed into a monosyllabic foot.
Equations
- Lamont2022c.exhaustive = [Sum.inl Lamont2022c.troch, Sum.inl Lamont2022c.troch, Sum.inl Lamont2022c.mono]
Instances For
Murinbata ([SM81]): under Parse(σ) ≫ Trochee, the exhaustive
parse wins — the final σ is footed into a monosyllable (final monosyllabic feet,
exhaustive parsing).
Pintupi ([HH69]): under Trochee ≫ Parse(σ), the faithful parse
wins — parsing a monosyllable would violate the dominant Trochee, so the final σ
stays unfooted (inexhaustive parsing). The derivation has converged.
Parsimony: FtBin is obviated #
In even-parity /σσσσ/, the monosyllabic-foot candidate (σ́)σσσ is harmonically
bounded by the disyllabic (σ́σ)σσ under Parse(σ) ≫ Trochee ≫ Iamb — without any
FtBin in CON. Trochee and Iamb both penalising monosyllables do FtBin's work
([MPK15]).
(σ́σ)σσ — one leftmost trochee in /σσσσ/.
Equations
- Lamont2022c.disyll4 = [Sum.inl Lamont2022c.troch, Sum.inr (), Sum.inr ()]
Instances For
(σ́)σσσ — one leftmost monosyllable in /σσσσ/.
Equations
- Lamont2022c.monosyll4 = [Sum.inl Lamont2022c.mono, Sum.inr (), Sum.inr (), Sum.inr ()]
Instances For
FtBin obviation: the disyllabic-foot candidate strictly beats the
monosyllabic-foot candidate with no FtBin in CON — the monosyllable both fails
Parse(σ) more and violates Trochee.
The footing functor: head (= stress) survives into grid and tree #
Lamont's Trochee/Iamb read each foot's head off Foot.head. Re-representing a foot
into the prosodic Tree (Foot.toProsTree) and the head-flag row (Foot.headFlags)
recovers exactly that head — Foot.headFlags_toProsTree proves the tree's σ-leaves
carry the same head profile — and the tree always lands in the well-formed
f/σ band (Foot.isFoot_toProsTree). So the head, the stress these constraints penalise,
survives both re-representations. QI footing strips weight, so the tree reads any
constant σ-weight.
QI footing is weight-blind: a Foot Unit's σ read one (light) mora.
Equations
Instances For
Well-formedness through the functor: every QI foot Lamont assembles re-represents
as a well-formed prosodic-tree foot (Foot.isFoot_toProsTree) — the flat Footing
candidates are built from feet that are legal f-over-σ subtrees of the OT Tree
carrier.
Head survives into flags and tree: the head-flag row marks the foot head — leftmost
for the trochee (the foot Lamont's Iamb penalises), rightmost for the iamb (the foot
Trochee penalises) — and the prosodic tree carries the same head profile, reduced
here through Foot.headFlags_toProsTree. The trochaic vs iambic stress survives the
functor identically.