Documentation

Linglib.Studies.KrizChemla2015

[KC15]: Two methods to find truth-value gaps #

[KC15] introduce two experimental methods for detecting truth-value gaps — separate completely-true and completely-false tasks (Exps. A0-A3) and one-shot ternary judgments (Exps. B1-B3, C2-C4) — and apply them to the projection of plural-definite homogeneity from the scope of sentential negation, every/all, no, and exactly 2. The gap projects in every tested environment except the gap? configuration (where the some- and all-substituted variants of the sentence are both false); under no it emerges only with the grammatical restimulation of Exp. C2, small but robust (fn. 14).

The stimulus rows live in the generated Data.Examples.KrizChemla2015 module and are pooled by [[Generalizations.HomogeneityProjection]] (embedded cells) and [[Generalizations.HomogeneityGap]] (unembedded and negated cells). This file implements §6's assessment of the three theoretical approaches to homogeneity against those pools.

Main declarations #

Main results #

Todo #

Displays #

One array of a display — one boy's presents (C series) or one cell of shapes (A/B series) — classified by how much of it is target-satisfying: all of it, some but not all (mixed), or none.

Instances For
    @[instance_reducible]
    Equations
    def KrizChemla2015.instReprCell.repr :
    CellStd.Format
    Equations
    Instances For
      @[instance_reducible]
      Equations
      @[reducible, inline]

      A display: one Cell per boy.

      Equations
      Instances For

        A cell is homogeneous when the target property holds of all of it or none of it — the presupposition [Sch94]-style accounts attach to plural predication.

        Equations
        Instances For

          Number of cells whose boy found at least some of his presents.

          Equations
          Instances For

            Number of cells whose boy found all of his presents.

            Equations
            Instances For

              The some- and all-substituted readings #

              §3's guiding principle: a sentence with a definite plural has a gap in a situation where the variant with an existential in place of the definite is true while the variant with a universal is false.

              @[instance_reducible]
              Equations
              • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
              @[instance_reducible]
              Equations
              • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

              The globally double-exhaustified meaning, (30) in [KC15]: exhaustification is vacuous in the downward-entailing scope of no and conjoins the some- and all-substituted readings elsewhere. (notEvery postdates the paper's grid — [ABB+23] — and takes the general clause; no theorem below exercises it.)

              Equations
              Instances For
                @[instance_reducible]
                Equations
                • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

                The three approaches #

                def KrizChemla2015.gapValue (p q : Prop) [Decidable p] [Decidable q] :

                Trivalent verdict from two meaning components: clearly true when both hold, clearly false when neither does, a truth-value gap when they conflict. Each §6 construal instantiates this with a different pair of components.

                Equations
                Instances For

                  Two-candidate supervaluation ([Spe13a]; §6.2): supervaluate over the existential and universal resolutions of the definite. Extensionally this is also the (si2)/(si4) implicature construal of §6.1.2 — gap iff the literal and locally exhaustified meanings conflict — which is how §6.2 argues the two approaches make the same projection predictions.

                  Equations
                  Instances For

                    Implicature construals (si1)/(si3) of §6.1.2 ([Mag09]'s oddness condition): gap iff the literal meaning and the globally exhaustified meaning conflict.

                    Equations
                    Instances For

                      Homogeneity as a presupposition projecting universally from the quantifier's scope ([Sch94], [Lob00], [Gaj05], as assessed in §6.3): presupposition failure unless every cell is homogeneous, in which case the universal-force assertion decides the sentence.

                      Equations
                      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                      Instances For

                        The tested grid #

                        A representative Table 13 display for each condition of Exps. C2-C4 (none for cells the paper did not test). Read [cell₁, ..., cell₄] for the four boys; e.g. the (every, gap) display 9929 — three boys found all nine of their presents, one found two — is [full, full, mixed, full].

                        Equations
                        Instances For

                          Restrict a display-level account to the paper's tested grid, none marking cells the paper did not test.

                          Equations
                          Instances For

                            Predictions against the projection pool #

                            The supervaluation (equivalently, local-exhaustification) prediction reproduces every pooled projection judgment — §6.4's bottom line. The fit is bought either by allowing local exhaustification in downward-entailing contexts, contra [CFS12], or by restricting the supervaluation candidates to the existential and universal resolutions.

                            Construals locating the gap in a literal-vs-global-exhaustification conflict fail on exactly two cells: the small-but-robust no gap of Exp. C2 (no implicature arises in a downward-entailing context, §6.1.3) and the gap?? gap of Exp. C4 (Table 12's s6, where the literal meaning and the implicature are false and true respectively, so their conjunction is simply false). Both cells are predicted clearly false but observed gappy.

                            Structural observations (§6.1.3) #

                            In the scope of every the implicature construals all align: comparing the literal meaning with global exhaustification and with local exhaustification comes to the same thing, on any display.

                            Without local exhaustification, no gap can arise in the scope of no: exhaustification is vacuous there, so the literal and globally exhaustified meanings never conflict. The observed C2 gap therefore forces either local exhaustification or the supervaluation/presupposition alternatives.

                            The unembedded grid #

                            The polarity × scenario cells of Exps. A0/A1/B1 live in the [[Generalizations.HomogeneityGap]] pool. An unembedded display is a single cell: nine shapes, of which all, some, or none are target-colored.

                            Supervaluation over the unembedded grid: resolve the definite existentially and universally, under negation for negative polarity.

                            Equations
                            • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                            Instances For

                              The supervaluation account reproduces the paper's unembedded and negated judgments: truth on uniform displays, the gap on mixed ones, projected through negation (Exps. A1/B1).

                              The bare implicature construal assigns a negated sentence its existential literal meaning outright — negation is downward-entailing, so no implicature arises and no gap is predicted (§6.1.3).

                              Equations
                              Instances For

                                The E-neg gap of Exps. A1/B1 refutes the bare implicature construal: the negated mixed-display cell is observed gappy but predicted clearly false. This is §6.1.3's downward-entailing problem, which for plain negation the wide-scope parse solves (wideScopeParse_matches_pool) but for no — whose definite contains a variable bound by the quantifier ([steedman-2012]) — nothing does.

                                The negated sentence with the definite parsed above negation (fn. 18): the existential and universal resolutions now scope over the negated predicate.

                                Equations
                                Instances For

                                  With the wide-scope parse, the implicature construal again reproduces the negated judgments — the paper's rescue for plain negation.