Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Krifka2004

Bare NPs as properties #

[Kri04] [Kri03]

Krifka's analysis of bare NPs ("Bare NPs: Kind-referring, Indefinites, Both, or Neither?", SALT 13 / EISS 5). Bare NPs are basically properties; context-sensitive type shifts coerce them to kind or indefinite readings — so, in the title's terms, neither kind-referring nor indefinite, but shiftable to both.

Count nouns carry a natural-number argument: den w n x reads "in w, the individual x consists of n instances", and a count noun is an additive extensive measure function in that argument (IsExtensiveMeasure). Number morphology saturates the argument: the singular fills it with 1, the semantic plural binds it existentially with no > 1 restriction (so the bare plural is true of a single instance — "Do you have dogs? — Yes, one"). A bare singular count noun is therefore the wrong type to be an argument — number-indexed ⟨n,⟨e,t⟩⟩, not a predicate ⟨e,t⟩ — which is why *Dog barks is out. Kind reference reuses [Chi98]'s ∩ operator (Semantics.Kinds.NMP.down), which Krifka adopts (§4.3), and requires topic position; the existential shift applies at the surface position, deriving the narrow scope of bare plurals and their wide scope under scrambling.

Main declarations #

Count and mass denotations #

Atom is Type (not Type*) to align with NMP.Individual, the Link/Chierchia individual lattice (Set Atom) that this file reuses for kind reference.

@[reducible, inline]
abbrev Krifka2004.CountNounDen (World Atom : Type) :

Count noun denotation ⟨s,⟨n,⟨e,t⟩⟩⟩: den w n x holds iff in world w the individual x consists of n instances.

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    @[reducible, inline]
    abbrev Krifka2004.MassNounDen (World Atom : Type) :

    Mass noun denotation ⟨s,⟨e,t⟩⟩: no number argument.

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      @[reducible, inline]
      abbrev Krifka2004.Property (World Atom : Type) :

      The basic type of a bare NP: a property ⟨s,⟨e,t⟩⟩.

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        def Krifka2004.IsExtensiveMeasure {World Atom : Type} (den : CountNounDen World Atom) :

        Count nouns are additive extensive measure functions in their number argument: the count of an individual is unique, and the counts of disjoint individuals add.

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        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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          Number morphology #

          def Krifka2004.singularize {World Atom : Type} (den : CountNounDen World Atom) :
          Property World Atom

          Singular morphology fills the number argument with 1.

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            def Krifka2004.pluralize {World Atom : Type} (den : CountNounDen World Atom) :
            Property World Atom

            Semantic plural morphology binds the number argument existentially, with no > 1 restriction — the analysis Krifka adopts over the rejected ∃ n > 1 variant.

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              theorem Krifka2004.pluralize_of_singular {World Atom : Type} (den : CountNounDen World Atom) {w : World} {x : Semantics.Kinds.NMP.Individual Atom} (h : den w 1 x) :
              pluralize den w x

              The bare plural is true of a single instance ("Do you have dogs? — Yes, one"): this is why the plural cannot mean ∃ n > 1.

              theorem Krifka2004.morphology_saturates {World Atom : Type} (den : CountNounDen World Atom) (w : World) (x : Semantics.Kinds.NMP.Individual Atom) :
              singularize den w x = den w 1 x pluralize den w x = ∃ (n : ), den w n x

              The bare-singular block is a type fact, not a stipulation. The only routes from a number-indexed CountNounDen to an argument-type Property are the morphological saturations singularize (fill 1) and pluralize (bind ∃ n); a bare singular saturates nothing, so *Dog barks has no argument-type parse.

              Type shifts and information structure #

              The type shifts available to a property-denoting bare NP.

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                @[implicit_reducible]
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                def Krifka2004.instReprTypeShift.repr :
                TypeShiftStd.Format
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                  Information-structure position of the bare NP.

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                    @[implicit_reducible]
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                      Kind reference requires topic position: the (down) shift is available only when the bare NP is a topic.

                      Surface-position ∃-shift (scrambling) #

                      Krifka's existential type shift is a local type repair applied "as late, or as locally, as possible" (§4.2) at the bare NP's surface position, so scope follows position: a bare plural under negation scopes narrow, one raised above negation scopes wide. Built on the shared closure NMP.existsClose, so Krifka's narrow reading is definitionally Chierchia's DKP derivation (NMP.chierchiaDerivUnscrambled); the accounts diverge only on the scrambled reading (compared in Studies/LeBruynDeSwart2022.lean).

                      def Krifka2004.krifkaDerivUnscrambled {Entity : Type u_1} (dom : List Entity) (P Q : EntityProp) :

                      Unscrambled [niet [BP V]]: ∃-shift below negation — ¬ ∃ x ∈ dom, P x ∧ Q x (narrow scope). Definitionally NMP.chierchiaDerivUnscrambled.

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                        def Krifka2004.krifkaDerivScrambled {Entity : Type u_1} (dom : List Entity) (P Q : EntityProp) :

                        Scrambled [BP [niet V]]: ∃-shift above negation — ∃ x ∈ dom, P x ∧ ¬ Q x (wide scope over negation).

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                          theorem Krifka2004.scope_follows_position :
                          ∃ (Entity : Type) (dom : List Entity) (P : EntityProp) (Q : EntityProp), krifkaDerivScrambled dom P Q krifkaDerivUnscrambled dom P Q

                          Scope follows position: the scrambled (wide) and unscrambled (narrow) derivations diverge on some model — witnessed by a two-element domain where one element satisfies the predicate and the other does not.