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Linglib.Studies.Kennedy1999

Kennedy 1999: Projecting the Adjective #

Study file for [Ken99], the dissertation arguing that gradable adjectives denote measure functions (⟦tall⟧ = λx. height(x)) whose relational ⟨d,⟨e,t⟩⟩ type is derived by degree morphology, and that positive and negative extents of the same scale (POSδ and NEGδ, eqs (30)–(31)) derive antonymy and cross-polar anomaly rather than stipulating them. The extent algebra is formalised in Semantics/Degree/Basic.lean: extents are Set.Iic (μ x) / Set.Ioi (μ x), comparison is extent inclusion (Degree.comparative_iff_Iic_ssubset), the antonymy biconditional (54) is Degree.antonymy_biconditional, and cross-polar anomaly (§3.1.7) is Degree.not_crossExtentInclusion. The embedding of measure functions into [Kle80]'s rival degree-free delineation semantics is in Semantics/Degree/Hom.lean (Degree.delineation_strictly_more_general).

The judgment data live in Data/Examples/Kennedy1999.json: the cross-polar and incommensurability comparatives of §3.1.3–§3.1.7 (including the ficus quadruple (61)–(64) showing the anomaly generalizes beyond antonym pairs) and the measure-phrase restriction of §3.1.8–§3.1.9. Kennedy's account defines comparison exactly when the compared extents are of the same sort on a shared scale; comparison_defined_iff and measurePhrase_positive_iff check the predicted judgment patterns row by row.

Cross-polar anomaly (§3.1.3–§3.1.7) #

The two compared adjectives have the same scale polarity.

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    The two compared adjectives project onto a shared scale.

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      The subdeletion comparatives of §3.1.3–§3.1.7: cross-polar anomalies, same-polarity controls, the ficus quadruple, and the incommensurability cases.

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        A subdeletion comparative is acceptable exactly when the compared extents are of the same sort on a shared scale — sortal cross-polar anomaly and incommensurability under one condition. Degree.not_crossExtentInclusion is the lattice-algebraic shadow of the polarity half.

        Measure phrase distribution (§3.1.8–§3.1.9) #

        Measure phrases denote bounded extents. On a scale with a minimum, positive extents are bounded but negative extents are not, so an absolute construction composing a measure phrase with a negative adjective is undefined — (69) "My Cadillac is 8 feet long" vs (70) "#My Fiat is 5 feet short". The phrasal comparative (73) "My fiat is shorter than 8 feet" is the paper's contrast: there the standard is derived by applying the adjective to the measure phrase.

        An absolute measure-phrase construction is acceptable exactly with a positive adjective, whose extents are bounded.

        DegP projection #

        Degree morphemes are functional heads taking AdjP as complement: [DegP [Deg° -er, as, -est, too, enough] [AdjP tall]] (ch. 2, the extended projection of A). The head inventory is Degree.Head.

        A degree head with its adjective complement.

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            DegP constructions from the paper.

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