Kennedy 1999: Projecting the Adjective #
Study file for [Ken99], the dissertation arguing that gradable
adjectives denote measure functions (⟦tall⟧ = λx. height(x)) whose relational
⟨d,⟨e,t⟩⟩ type is derived by degree morphology, and that positive and negative
extents of the same scale (POSδ and NEGδ, eqs (30)–(31)) derive antonymy and
cross-polar anomaly rather than stipulating them. The extent algebra is
formalised in Semantics/Degree/Basic.lean: extents are Set.Iic (μ x) /
Set.Ioi (μ x), comparison is extent inclusion
(Degree.comparative_iff_Iic_ssubset), the antonymy biconditional (54) is
Degree.antonymy_biconditional, and cross-polar anomaly (§3.1.7) is
Degree.not_crossExtentInclusion. The embedding of measure functions into
[Kle80]'s rival degree-free delineation semantics is in
Semantics/Degree/Hom.lean (Degree.delineation_strictly_more_general).
The judgment data live in Data/Examples/Kennedy1999.json: the cross-polar
and incommensurability comparatives of §3.1.3–§3.1.7 (including the ficus
quadruple (61)–(64) showing the anomaly generalizes beyond antonym pairs) and
the measure-phrase restriction of §3.1.8–§3.1.9. Kennedy's account defines
comparison exactly when the compared extents are of the same sort on a shared
scale; comparison_defined_iff and measurePhrase_positive_iff check the
predicted judgment patterns row by row.
Cross-polar anomaly (§3.1.3–§3.1.7) #
The two compared adjectives have the same scale polarity.
Equations
- Kennedy1999.samePolarity e = (e.feature? "matrix_polarity" = e.feature? "standard_polarity")
Instances For
The subdeletion comparatives of §3.1.3–§3.1.7: cross-polar anomalies, same-polarity controls, the ficus quadruple, and the incommensurability cases.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A subdeletion comparative is acceptable exactly when the compared extents
are of the same sort on a shared scale — sortal cross-polar anomaly and
incommensurability under one condition. Degree.not_crossExtentInclusion is
the lattice-algebraic shadow of the polarity half.
Measure phrase distribution (§3.1.8–§3.1.9) #
Measure phrases denote bounded extents. On a scale with a minimum, positive extents are bounded but negative extents are not, so an absolute construction composing a measure phrase with a negative adjective is undefined — (69) "My Cadillac is 8 feet long" vs (70) "#My Fiat is 5 feet short". The phrasal comparative (73) "My fiat is shorter than 8 feet" is the paper's contrast: there the standard is derived by applying the adjective to the measure phrase.
The absolute measure-phrase constructions of §3.1.8–§3.1.9.
Equations
Instances For
An absolute measure-phrase construction is acceptable exactly with a positive adjective, whose extents are bounded.
DegP projection #
Degree morphemes are functional heads taking AdjP as complement:
[DegP [Deg° -er, as, -est, too, enough] [AdjP tall]] (ch. 2, the extended
projection of A). The head inventory is Degree.Head.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Kennedy1999.instReprHistoricalDegP = { reprPrec := Kennedy1999.instReprHistoricalDegP.repr }
DegP constructions from the paper.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.