[KF99]: What's X Doing Y? #
"Grammatical Constructions and Linguistic Generalizations: The What's X
doing Y? Construction" (Language 75(1):1–33). WXDY has interrogative
form but expressive function on the incredulity reading; the
form–function mismatch is derived rather than stipulated: the literal
reading is a genuine question (speaker-ignorance satisfies the PerspP
presupposition), the incredulity reading a blocked one (speaker knowledge
contradicts it), with the presupposed proposition and the incongruity CI
typed via PartialProp/TwoDimProp. §2.3's morphosyntactic judgments
are derived by running the licensing recognizer over minimal-pair
tokens.
The paper's own inheritance hierarchy — WXDY inheriting from the left-isolation, subject–aux-inversion, and wh-interrogative constructions of its unification-based grammar — is recorded here only as prose; assembling it as a checked network awaits verification of the paper's figures.
Main declarations #
KayFillmore1999.wxdyConstruction: the construction, typed form per Figure 12KayFillmore1999.wxdy_rejects_bare_stem(and companions): §2.3's morphosyntactic judgments derived by the licensing recognizerKayFillmore1999.perspP_disambiguates_wxdy: the two readings derivedKayFillmore1999.wxdyPresup,wxdyTwoDim: typed pragmatics
The construction #
The WXDY construction, as the flat projection of Figure 12's hierarchical AVM: X and Y share a coreference index (coinstantiation, Figure 13); WXDY-what is left-isolated ([loc -]) and nonreferential ([ref ∅]); doing cannot be negated ([neg -] — a stipulation the paper reports being unable to deduce, §4.6). X is constrained semantically, as a referential argument of the predicate Y (§4.7), and Y is a predicate phrase of any category.
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Coreference (Figure 12) #
WXDY's form has exactly one coreference group: the X–Y coinstantiation.
X (the first slot) and Y (the last slot) share a coreference index: X is the understood subject of the Y predicate.
Morphosyntactic constraints derived (§2.3) #
The paper's idiosyncratic constraints, run through the licensing recognizer: tokens are daughter sequences in the AVM slot order (X, BE, doing, what, Y), with lemma-level words.
POS assignments for the fixed heads.
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- KayFillmore1999.wxdyPOS "be" = some UD.UPOS.AUX
- KayFillmore1999.wxdyPOS "doing" = some UD.UPOS.VERB
- KayFillmore1999.wxdyPOS x✝ = none
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Ex. 3a, "What's this scratch doing on the table?".
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Ex. 14a, "What's he doing knowing the answer?" — a stative complement.
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Ex. 12a, "What does this scratch do on the table?" (ungrammatical): bare-stem do.
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Ex. 13a, "What did he keep doing in the tool shed?" — doing as complement of keep rather than of copular BE; a fine sentence, but not an instance of the construction.
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Ex. 15f, "What else are you doing eating cold pizza?" (ungrammatical): else on WXDY-what.
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Ex. 17b, "What are my brushes not doing soaking in water?" (ungrammatical): negated doing.
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Ex. 17c, "What are my brushes doing not soaking in water?": negation inside the complement.
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The construction licenses the canonical example (ex. 3a) and stative complements (ex. 14a): WXDY does not encode progressive aspect.
The present participle is frozen: bare-stem do is rejected (ex. 12a).
doing must complement copular BE (ex. 13): keep doing is not an instance of the construction.
WXDY-what does not accept else (ex. 15f): the what slot is lexically fixed.
Negation of doing is rejected by [neg -] (ex. 17b), while negation inside the complement is licensed (ex. 17c).
Coinstantiation (Figure 13, §4.2) #
The coinstantiation construction (Figure 13): unifies the intrinsic
value of an unfulfilled valence requirement of a predicator with the
subject requirement of its controlled complement, covering both raising
and control. It figures twice in every WXDY clause — the flat rendering
here unifies a predicator's subject with its complement's subject via a
shared refIdx.
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Coinstantiation is fully abstract: every slot is open.
Coinstantiation carries exactly one coreference group (predicator subject = complement subject).
Formal idiomhood #
WXDY is a formal idiom: the X and Y slots are open.
WXDY is properly partial: BE, doing, and what are fixed while X and Y are open.
Presupposition (§2.1) #
The incredulity reading presupposes the embedded proposition and has trivial assertion: ex. 4's diner presupposes that there is a fly in the soup — the point of the utterance is the incongruity judgment.
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- KayFillmore1999.wxdyPresup embeddedProp = { presup := embeddedProp, assertion := fun (x : W) => True }
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Two-dimensional semantics (§2.2, §4.6) #
The incredulity reading as a two-dimensional meaning: the embedded proposition at issue, the incongruity judgment as a CI. The incongruity is conventional, not conversationally implicated (§2.2, exx. 7–10).
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- KayFillmore1999.wxdyTwoDim embeddedProp incongruity = Pragmatics.Expressives.TwoDimProp.withCI embeddedProp incongruity
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Negating a WXDY utterance cannot target the incongruity judgment (§4.6, exx. 38–41): the CI survives negation of the at-issue content.
The two readings (§2.1) #
The speaker's epistemic state on the incredulity reading: the answer is known (ex. 4's diner sees the fly), modeled as a veridical epistemic model at the evaluation world.
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PerspP status separates the two readings of ex. 4: with a veridical speaker model (incredulity) the PerspP ignorance presupposition fails and the utterance is not a genuine question; with an ignorant speaker model (the literal reading) it is satisfied.