Documentation

Linglib.Studies.KayFillmore1999

[KF99]: What's X Doing Y? #

"Grammatical Constructions and Linguistic Generalizations: The What's X doing Y? Construction" (Language 75(1):1–33). WXDY has interrogative form but expressive function on the incredulity reading; the form–function mismatch is derived rather than stipulated: the literal reading is a genuine question (speaker-ignorance satisfies the PerspP presupposition), the incredulity reading a blocked one (speaker knowledge contradicts it), with the presupposed proposition and the incongruity CI typed via PartialProp/TwoDimProp. §2.3's morphosyntactic judgments are derived by running the licensing recognizer over minimal-pair tokens.

The paper's own inheritance hierarchy — WXDY inheriting from the left-isolation, subject–aux-inversion, and wh-interrogative constructions of its unification-based grammar — is recorded here only as prose; assembling it as a checked network awaits verification of the paper's figures.

Main declarations #

The construction #

The WXDY construction, as the flat projection of Figure 12's hierarchical AVM: X and Y share a coreference index (coinstantiation, Figure 13); WXDY-what is left-isolated ([loc -]) and nonreferential ([ref ∅]); doing cannot be negated ([neg -] — a stipulation the paper reports being unable to deduce, §4.6). X is constrained semantically, as a referential argument of the predicate Y (§4.7), and Y is a predicate phrase of any category.

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    Coreference (Figure 12) #

    WXDY's form has exactly one coreference group: the X–Y coinstantiation.

    theorem KayFillmore1999.wxdy_coinstantiation :
    ((List.head? wxdyConstruction.form).bind fun (x : ConstructionGrammar.Slot String) => x.refIdx) = some 2 ((List.getLast? wxdyConstruction.form).bind fun (x : ConstructionGrammar.Slot String) => x.refIdx) = some 2

    X (the first slot) and Y (the last slot) share a coreference index: X is the understood subject of the Y predicate.

    Morphosyntactic constraints derived (§2.3) #

    The paper's idiosyncratic constraints, run through the licensing recognizer: tokens are daughter sequences in the AVM slot order (X, BE, doing, what, Y), with lemma-level words.

    def KayFillmore1999.wxdyPOS :
    StringOption UD.UPOS

    POS assignments for the fixed heads.

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      Ex. 3a, "What's this scratch doing on the table?".

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        Ex. 14a, "What's he doing knowing the answer?" — a stative complement.

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          Ex. 12a, "What does this scratch do on the table?" (ungrammatical): bare-stem do.

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            Ex. 13a, "What did he keep doing in the tool shed?" — doing as complement of keep rather than of copular BE; a fine sentence, but not an instance of the construction.

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              Ex. 15f, "What else are you doing eating cold pizza?" (ungrammatical): else on WXDY-what.

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                Ex. 17b, "What are my brushes not doing soaking in water?" (ungrammatical): negated doing.

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                  Ex. 17c, "What are my brushes doing not soaking in water?": negation inside the complement.

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                    The construction licenses the canonical example (ex. 3a) and stative complements (ex. 14a): WXDY does not encode progressive aspect.

                    The present participle is frozen: bare-stem do is rejected (ex. 12a).

                    doing must complement copular BE (ex. 13): keep doing is not an instance of the construction.

                    WXDY-what does not accept else (ex. 15f): the what slot is lexically fixed.

                    Negation of doing is rejected by [neg -] (ex. 17b), while negation inside the complement is licensed (ex. 17c).

                    Coinstantiation (Figure 13, §4.2) #

                    The coinstantiation construction (Figure 13): unifies the intrinsic value of an unfulfilled valence requirement of a predicator with the subject requirement of its controlled complement, covering both raising and control. It figures twice in every WXDY clause — the flat rendering here unifies a predicator's subject with its complement's subject via a shared refIdx.

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                      Coinstantiation carries exactly one coreference group (predicator subject = complement subject).

                      Formal idiomhood #

                      WXDY is a formal idiom: the X and Y slots are open.

                      WXDY is properly partial: BE, doing, and what are fixed while X and Y are open.

                      Presupposition (§2.1) #

                      The incredulity reading presupposes the embedded proposition and has trivial assertion: ex. 4's diner presupposes that there is a fly in the soup — the point of the utterance is the incongruity judgment.

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                        Two-dimensional semantics (§2.2, §4.6) #

                        def KayFillmore1999.wxdyTwoDim {W : Type u_1} (embeddedProp incongruity : WProp) :

                        The incredulity reading as a two-dimensional meaning: the embedded proposition at issue, the incongruity judgment as a CI. The incongruity is conventional, not conversationally implicated (§2.2, exx. 7–10).

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                          theorem KayFillmore1999.wxdy_incongruity_survives_negation {W : Type u_1} (embeddedProp incongruity : WProp) :
                          (wxdyTwoDim embeddedProp incongruity).neg.ci = incongruity

                          Negating a WXDY utterance cannot target the incongruity judgment (§4.6, exx. 38–41): the CI survives negation of the at-issue content.

                          The two readings (§2.1) #

                          The speaker's epistemic state on the incredulity reading: the answer is known (ex. 4's diner sees the fly), modeled as a veridical epistemic model at the evaluation world.

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                            PerspP status separates the two readings of ex. 4: with a veridical speaker model (incredulity) the PerspP ignorance presupposition fails and the utterance is not a genuine question; with an ignorant speaker model (the literal reading) it is satisfied.