Kamp, van Genabith & Reyle (2011): Discourse Representation Theory #
The Handbook of Philosophical Logic chapter's information-state architecture,
run against the indexed substrate (Semantics/Dynamic/State.lean,
DRS/Indexed.lean).
- Partee's marbles ((42), the argument for Def. 22): two information
states that determine the same proposition but differ — anaphoric
potential lives strictly below truth conditions, so propositions cannot be
the objects of context change (
marble_worlds_eq_coin,marble_ne_coin). - The action equation on a discourse (p. 159): "A¹ man walked in. He₁
sat down." — applying the second sentence's transition to the state the
first expresses is the state of the merge (
persistence_action).
Partee's marbles: propositions are too coarse (Def. 22) #
Two worlds (Bool), one live referent (Unit), two entities (Fin 2): in
world true a marble (0) and a coin (1) are each missing. "A marble is
missing" and "a coin is missing" express the same proposition — true in
exactly world true — but the states record different witnesses for the
referent, so anaphora can distinguish them.
"A marble is missing": the referent carries the marble 0, in world
true.
Equations
- KampVanGenabithReyle2011.marbleState = {p : DynamicSemantics.Possibility Bool Unit (Part (Fin 2)) | p.world = true ∧ p.assignment () = Part.some 0}
Instances For
"A coin is missing": the referent carries the coin 1, in world
true.
Equations
- KampVanGenabithReyle2011.coinState = {p : DynamicSemantics.Possibility Bool Unit (Part (Fin 2)) | p.world = true ∧ p.assignment () = Part.some 1}
Instances For
The two states determine the same worldly content (Def. 23(v)'s proposition).
But the states differ: the marble witness is not a coin witness. The
worldly collapse (marble_worlds_eq_coin) plus this separation is Partee's
argument that context change operates on information states, not
propositions.
The action equation on a two-sentence discourse (p. 159) #
The first-order language of the example (no function symbols).
Equations
- KampVanGenabithReyle2011.dLang = { Functions := fun (x : ℕ) => Empty, Relations := KampVanGenabithReyle2011.DRel }
Instances For
"He₁ sat down." — [ | sat-down u₁]: improper, its free referent is the
first sentence's — the referential presupposition in action.
Equations
Instances For
sentence₁ is proper: it introduces its own referent u₁.
No capture: sentence₂ introduces no referent occurring in sentence₁.
The action equation for the discourse: interpreting sentence two against the context sentence one expresses is interpreting their merge from scratch.