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Linglib.Studies.KampVanGenabithReyle2011

Kamp, van Genabith & Reyle (2011): Discourse Representation Theory #

[KvGR11]

The Handbook of Philosophical Logic chapter's information-state architecture, run against the indexed substrate (Semantics/Dynamic/State.lean, DRS/Indexed.lean).

Partee's marbles: propositions are too coarse (Def. 22) #

Two worlds (Bool), one live referent (Unit), two entities (Fin 2): in world true a marble (0) and a coin (1) are each missing. "A marble is missing" and "a coin is missing" express the same proposition — true in exactly world true — but the states record different witnesses for the referent, so anaphora can distinguish them.

"A marble is missing": the referent carries the marble 0, in world true.

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    "A coin is missing": the referent carries the coin 1, in world true.

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      The two states determine the same worldly content (Def. 23(v)'s proposition).

      But the states differ: the marble witness is not a coin witness. The worldly collapse (marble_worlds_eq_coin) plus this separation is Partee's argument that context change operates on information states, not propositions.

      The action equation on a two-sentence discourse (p. 159) #

      The relation symbols of the worked discourse.

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        def KampVanGenabithReyle2011.dLang :
        FirstOrder.Language

        The first-order language of the example (no function symbols).

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          "He₁ sat down." — [ | sat-down u₁]: improper, its free referent is the first sentence's — the referential presupposition in action.

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            sentence₁ is proper: it introduces its own referent u₁.

            The referential presupposition: sentence₂'s free referent is supplied by sentence₁'s universe.

            The action equation for the discourse: interpreting sentence two against the context sentence one expresses is interpreting their merge from scratch.