Kamp & Reyle (1993) [KR93] #
From Discourse to Logic interprets discourse by DRS construction and verifies DRSs by
embeddings into a model. This file evaluates the book's worked examples through the
substrate denotation DRS.trueRel (Semantics/Dynamic/DRS/; [Mus96]'s
relational truth, the existential closure of Def. 1.4.5): "Jones owns Ulysses. It
fascinates him." (1.1) is true of a single owning pair, its pronoun equations adding no
quantificational force (ulysses_tc); "Jones does not own a Porsche." (1.56) is the
non-existence of a verifying extension (porsche_tc), the referent under ¬ being
inaccessible from the top level while the outer referent stays visible inside
(porsche_referent_inaccessible, outer_referent_accessible); and "If a farmer owns a
donkey he beats it." (2.47) receives the universal reading through the ⇒ verification
clause of (2.31)/Def. 2.1.4 (donkey_universal_reading), the pronoun-completed
(2.45)-style variant having the same truth conditions (donkeyPronoun_agree).
The structural facts — subordination of the donkey boxes (Def. 1.4.10/2.1.2), the
accessibility asymmetry ([GBM24] §4.2: the antecedent is accessible
to the consequent, not conversely), properness, truth in concrete models — are proved
by evaluation or by cases on the geometry; the truth-conditions are claims over
arbitrary models, proved by unfolding the verifying-embedding semantics. Sequencing a discourse is DRS.merge, whose
dynamics is the substrate Merging Lemma DRS.toRel_merge, so merged-vs-compositional
equalities are definitional.
The relation symbols of the worked examples; names (jones, ulysses, porsche)
enter as the unary conditions the construction algorithm writes for them (Jones(x)).
- jones : KRRel 1
- ulysses : KRRel 1
- porsche : KRRel 1
- farmer : KRRel 1
- donkey : KRRel 1
- owns : KRRel 2
- fascinates : KRRel 2
- beats : KRRel 2
Instances For
The first-order language of the examples (no functions).
Equations
- KampReyle1993.krLang = { Functions := fun (x : ℕ) => Empty, Relations := KampReyle1993.KRRel }
Instances For
RelMap with the language pinned (a relation symbol alone does not determine
L). Lets truth-conditions read as rm .farmer ![e].
Equations
- KampReyle1993.rm R x = FirstOrder.Language.Structure.RelMap R x
Instances For
Names and pronouns: "Jones owns Ulysses. It fascinates him." (1.1) #
The completed §1.1 DRS of (1.1) —
[u₁ u₂ u₃ u₄ | Jones u₁, Ulysses u₂, u₁ owns u₂, u₃ = u₂, u₄ = u₁, u₃ fascinates u₄]:
each name and pronoun introduces a referent; the pronouns it and him are resolved by
the (1.17)-style equations to the first sentence's referents.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The (1.1) discourse is true iff a single pair verifies both sentences: the pronouns' referents and equations add no quantificational force, and the first sentence's referents persist into the second.
The completed (1.1) DRS is proper (Def. 1.4.2–1.4.3): every referent the conditions use is introduced by the discourse itself.
Negation blocks anaphora: "Jones does not own a Porsche." (1.56) #
The box under ¬ in (1.57): [u₂ | Porsche u₂, u₁ owns u₂].
Equations
- KampReyle1993.porscheNeg = { referents := {2}, conditions := [DRT.Condition.rel KampReyle1993.KRRel.porsche ![2], DRT.Condition.rel KampReyle1993.KRRel.owns ![1, 2]] }
Instances For
The DRS (1.57) of (1.56) — [u₁ | Jones u₁, ¬[u₂ | Porsche u₂, u₁ owns u₂]]: the
indefinite's referent is introduced inside the negation.
Equations
- KampReyle1993.porscheDiscourse = { referents := {1}, conditions := [DRT.Condition.rel KampReyle1993.KRRel.jones ![1], DRT.Condition.neg KampReyle1993.porscheNeg] }
Instances For
Truth of (1.57): there is no Porsche that Jones owns — the negated box is verified by the non-existence of a verifying extension.
From the top-level position, the referent trapped under ¬ is not accessible
(Def. 2.1.3) — the reason a continuation "*It fascinates him." cannot resolve it.
Accessibility looks "left and up": from inside the negation, the outer referent is accessible — the asymmetry of Def. 2.1.3.
A continuation resolved to the trapped referent anyway is improper
(Def. 1.4.2–1.4.3): merging "It fascinates him." with it forced to u₂ leaves u₂
free.
Donkey anaphora: "If a farmer owns a donkey he beats it." (2.47) #
The consequent box [ | beats u₁ u₂] (pronouns resolved directly, (2.44)-style).
Equations
- KampReyle1993.donkeyCons = { referents := ∅, conditions := [DRT.Condition.rel KampReyle1993.KRRel.beats ![1, 2]] }
Instances For
(2.47) as [ | donkeyAnte ⇒ donkeyCons].
Equations
- KampReyle1993.donkey = { referents := ∅, conditions := [DRT.Condition.imp KampReyle1993.donkeyAnte KampReyle1993.donkeyCons] }
Instances For
The donkey universal reading: the ⇒ verification clause ((2.31)/Def. 2.1.4) makes
the antecedent's existentials universal — every owning farmer-donkey pair satisfies
beats. The empty-universe consequent reuses the antecedent's values (the anaphora).
The donkey DRS is proper: the consequent's referents are supplied by the
antecedent — the ⇒-accessibility in the free-variable computation.
The (2.45)-style consequent [u₃ | u₃ = u₂, beats u₁ u₃]: the pronoun it
introduces its own referent, resolved to the donkey by an equation.
Equations
- KampReyle1993.donkeyPronounCons = { referents := {3}, conditions := [DRT.Condition.eq 3 2, DRT.Condition.rel KampReyle1993.KRRel.beats ![1, 3]] }
Instances For
(2.47) with the pronoun completed by referent-plus-equation.
Equations
- KampReyle1993.donkeyPronoun = { referents := ∅, conditions := [DRT.Condition.imp KampReyle1993.donkeyAnte KampReyle1993.donkeyPronounCons] }
Instances For
The pronoun-completed conditional has the same universal truth conditions: the equation forces the new referent to the donkey's value.
(2.44) vs (2.45), for the donkey conditional: completing the pronoun directly or by referent-plus-equation gives the same truth conditions — the book's "clearly identical truth conditions" (p. 167).
Subordination and accessibility geometry #
The antecedent box is directly subordinate to the donkey DRS (Def. 1.4.10 as extended by Def. 2.1.2).
The consequent box is likewise directly subordinate to the donkey DRS.
The antecedent is accessible to the consequent ([GBM24] §4.2) — the geometry that licenses the donkey anaphora.
Not conversely: the consequent has no outgoing accessibility edge, so its
(empty) universe contributes nothing to the antecedent — the ⇒ asymmetry.
Model evaluation: the donkey conditional in concrete models #
Positive: a two-element domain where farmer 0 owns and beats donkey 1. Negative: a
domain where the owning pair goes unbeaten falsifies the conditional.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
The donkey conditional is true in this model: the only owning pair is (0,1),
which beats holds of.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
The donkey conditional is false when the owning pair goes unbeaten: farmer false
owns donkey true but beats is empty.