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Linglib.Studies.KampReyle1993

Kamp & Reyle (1993): From Discourse to Logic #

[KR93]

K&R's worked examples, evaluated through the faithful model-theoretic DRS core (Semantics/Dynamic/DRS/). Each truth-condition is a theorem about the substrate denotation DRS.trueRel (Muskens's relational truth, equivalently DRS.Realize), not a local re-implementation.

Examples #

  1. Existential persistence: "A man walked in. He sat down." The indefinite's discourse referent persists across sentences — ∃ e, man e ∧ walked-in e ∧ sat-down e (persistence_tc).
  2. Donkey anaphora: "If a farmer owns a donkey, he beats it." The implication clause (K&R Def. 1.4.4) yields the universal reading — ∀ farmer-donkey owning pairs, beats (donkey_universal_reading). The antecedent's referents are universally bound and remain accessible in the consequent.
  3. Negation blocks anaphora: "A man didn't walk in. *He…" — a referent introduced under negation is inaccessible (negation_tc).
  4. Subordination/accessibility (Def. 1.4.10/1.4.11): the antecedent and consequent boxes are subordinate to the donkey DRS, the consequent to the antecedent — the geometry licensing donkey anaphora.

Notes #

decide handles the structural facts (subordination, the concrete model); the truth-conditions are semantic claims over arbitrary models, hence proved by unfolding the verifying-embedding/relational semantics. The merging lemma the original tested per-example (reduce_sound) is now the single substrate theorem DRS.toRel_merge; there is no .seq syntax (sequencing is DRS.merge), so the compositional-vs-merged equalities are definitional and not re-stated here.

inductive KampReyle1993.KRRel :
Type

The relation symbols of the worked examples.

Instances For
    def KampReyle1993.krLang :
    FirstOrder.Language

    The first-order language of the examples (no functions).

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      @[reducible, inline]
      abbrev KampReyle1993.rm {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] {n : } (R : krLang.Relations n) (x : Fin nM) :

      RelMap with the language pinned (a relation symbol alone does not determine L). Lets truth-conditions read as rm .farmer ![e].

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      Instances For

        Existential persistence #

        "A¹ man walked in. He₁ sat down." — [u₁ | man u₁, walked-in u₁, sat-down u₁].

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        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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          theorem KampReyle1993.persistence_tc {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : M) :
          persistence.trueRel a ∃ (e : M), rm KRRel.man ![e] rm KRRel.walkedIn ![e] rm KRRel.satDown ![e]

          The indefinite's referent persists: truth is existential over a single entity that is a man, walked in, and sat down.

          Donkey anaphora (universal reading) #

          The antecedent box [u₁ u₂ | farmer u₁, donkey u₂, owns u₁ u₂].

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          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
          Instances For

            The consequent box [ | beats u₁ u₂] (introduces no referents).

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              "If a¹ farmer owns a² donkey, he₁ beats it₂." — [ | donkeyAnte ⇒ donkeyCons].

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                theorem KampReyle1993.donkey_universal_reading {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : M) :
                donkey.trueRel a ∀ (e₁ e₂ : M), rm KRRel.farmer ![e₁] rm KRRel.donkey ![e₂] rm KRRel.owns ![e₁, e₂]rm KRRel.beats ![e₁, e₂]

                The donkey universal reading: the implication clause (K&R Def. 1.4.4) makes the antecedent's existentials universal — every owning farmer-donkey pair satisfies beats. The empty-universe consequent reuses the antecedent's values (the anaphora).

                Negation blocks anaphora #

                "A¹ man didn't walk in." — [ | ¬[u₁ | man u₁, walked-in u₁]].

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                  theorem KampReyle1993.negation_tc {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : M) :
                  negation.trueRel a ¬∃ (e : M), rm KRRel.man ![e] rm KRRel.walkedIn ![e]

                  Under negation, truth is the non-existence of a verifying man — the referent is bound inside the negation and inaccessible to any continuation.

                  Subordination geometry (Def. 1.4.10/1.4.11) #

                  The antecedent box is directly subordinate to the donkey DRS.

                  The consequent box is directly subordinate to the antecedent — the asymmetry that makes the antecedent's referents accessible in the consequent.

                  Model evaluation: donkey true in a concrete model #

                  A two-element domain where farmer 0 owns and beats donkey 1.

                  @[implicit_reducible]
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                  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                  theorem KampReyle1993.donkey_true_in_model (a : Fin 2) :

                  The donkey conditional is true in this model: the only owning pair is (0,1), which beats holds of.