Kamp & Reyle (1993): From Discourse to Logic #
K&R's worked examples, evaluated through the faithful model-theoretic DRS core
(Semantics/Dynamic/DRS/). Each truth-condition is a theorem about the substrate
denotation DRS.trueRel (Muskens's relational truth, equivalently DRS.Realize),
not a local re-implementation.
Examples #
- Existential persistence: "A man walked in. He sat down." The indefinite's
discourse referent persists across sentences —
∃ e, man e ∧ walked-in e ∧ sat-down e(persistence_tc). - Donkey anaphora: "If a farmer owns a donkey, he beats it." The implication
clause (K&R Def. 1.4.4) yields the universal reading —
∀ farmer-donkey owning pairs, beats(donkey_universal_reading). The antecedent's referents are universally bound and remain accessible in the consequent. - Negation blocks anaphora: "A man didn't walk in. *He…" — a referent
introduced under negation is inaccessible (
negation_tc). - Subordination/accessibility (Def. 1.4.10/1.4.11): the antecedent and consequent boxes are subordinate to the donkey DRS, the consequent to the antecedent — the geometry licensing donkey anaphora.
Notes #
decide handles the structural facts (subordination, the concrete model); the
truth-conditions are semantic claims over arbitrary models, hence proved by
unfolding the verifying-embedding/relational semantics. The merging lemma the
original tested per-example (reduce_sound) is now the single substrate theorem
DRS.toRel_merge; there is no .seq syntax (sequencing is DRS.merge), so the
compositional-vs-merged equalities are definitional and not re-stated here.
The first-order language of the examples (no functions).
Equations
- KampReyle1993.krLang = { Functions := fun (x : ℕ) => Empty, Relations := KampReyle1993.KRRel }
Instances For
RelMap with the language pinned (a relation symbol alone does not determine
L). Lets truth-conditions read as rm .farmer ![e].
Equations
- KampReyle1993.rm R x = FirstOrder.Language.Structure.RelMap R x
Instances For
Existential persistence #
"A¹ man walked in. He₁ sat down." — [u₁ | man u₁, walked-in u₁, sat-down u₁].
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The indefinite's referent persists: truth is existential over a single entity that is a man, walked in, and sat down.
Donkey anaphora (universal reading) #
The donkey universal reading: the implication clause (K&R Def. 1.4.4) makes the
antecedent's existentials universal — every owning farmer-donkey pair satisfies
beats. The empty-universe consequent reuses the antecedent's values (the
anaphora).
Negation blocks anaphora #
Equations
Instances For
Under negation, truth is the non-existence of a verifying man — the referent is bound inside the negation and inaccessible to any continuation.
Subordination geometry (Def. 1.4.10/1.4.11) #
The antecedent box is directly subordinate to the donkey DRS.
The consequent box is directly subordinate to the antecedent — the ⇒
asymmetry that makes the antecedent's referents accessible in the consequent.
Model evaluation: donkey true in a concrete model #
A two-element domain where farmer 0 owns and beats donkey 1.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
The donkey conditional is true in this model: the only owning pair is (0,1),
which beats holds of.