Kadmon & Landman 1993: Any #
Formalizes [KL93]'s unified analysis of any: any CN is the indefinite a CN plus widening of the CN denotation along a contextual dimension, licensed only if widening creates a stronger statement (strengthening), checked at the local proposition (locality); free-choice any is the same item with a generic interpretation. Strengthening subsumes [Lad79]'s DE condition — widening an existential strengthens exactly when the context is DE — but K&L stress it is necessary, not sufficient: each and comparative more often than are DE yet resist any because widening must also make pragmatic sense (their §3.2).
Main declarations #
Strengthening: the licensing condition — wideningDtoD'in contextCcreates a stronger statement;de_satisfies_strengthening: antitone (DE) contexts satisfy strengthening;GuaranteesStrengthening,klExplanation: per-context classification, projected fromSemantics.Polarity.Licensing.contextProperties;ladusaw_de_is_kl_strengthening: Ladusaw-DE contexts are strengthening contexts;sorry_licenses_any,glad_does_not_license: the adversative asymmetry (Strawson-DE vs UE, K&L §3.3);widening_satisfies_conditional_strengthening: widening plus restriction-weakening guarantees strengthening in conditional antecedents (K&L §3.5.3);VagueRestriction,widenAlong,dimensionallyUniversal: the domain-vagueness apparatus behind FC any and the almost test (K&L §4);domain_vague_allows_exceptions: exception tolerance of generics from domain vagueness;VagueRestriction.toSpecSpace: the finite-case bridge to [Fin75]'s supervaluation — K&L's exception-tolerance zone is Fine's borderline zone.
The strengthening condition #
K&L's component (C): any is licensed only if widening creates a stronger
statement. For a context C and domains D ⊆ D', the wide interpretation
must entail the narrow: C (∃x∈D', Px) ⊆ C (∃x∈D, Px). This holds exactly
when C is antitone, which is why DE contexts license — and why widening in
UE contexts, where it weakens, leaves any unlicensed.
K&L's strengthening condition: widening the domain D to D' in context
C creates a stronger statement — the wide interpretation entails the narrow
one.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.Strengthening C D D' P = (C (Exhaustification.FreeChoice.existsInDomain D' P) ⊆ C (Exhaustification.FreeChoice.existsInDomain D P))
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In a DE (antitone) context, strengthening is automatic. K&L note that for many examples this makes the same predictions as [Lad79], while explaining why DE contexts license: widening must strengthen, and DE reverses entailment.
In a UE (monotone) context, widening weakens — the opposite of strengthening. This is K&L's explanation for why any is out in plain positive contexts.
Licensing contexts and entailment signatures #
Each context's entailment signature and licensing mechanism are projected
from the canonical Semantics.Polarity.Licensing.contextProperties table, so
this file's classification cannot drift from the substrate's.
A licensing context's entailment signature in [Ica12]'s lattice — the Strawson-operative row, matching K&L's own convention of checking the DE pattern modulo factive presuppositions.
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A context guarantees K&L strengthening iff its entailment signature is on
the DE side. Contexts with .mono or higher signatures are licensed by other
routes: K&L defer questions to [KL90] and never discuss
superlatives — the Strawson-DE route for the latter is later literature
([vF99a]).
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.GuaranteesStrengthening c = ((KadmonLandman1993.contextEntailmentSig c).toDEStrength.isSome = true)
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A licensing context's K&L mechanism, projected from contextProperties:
why the context licenses, not merely that it does.
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Drift sentry: every context classified byStrengthening has a DE
entailment signature.
Compatibility with Ladusaw 1979 #
K&L's classification refines [Lad79]'s: every Ladusaw-DE context is a strengthening context, but K&L additionally explain adversative predicates (DE on a constant perspective) and conditionals with implicit restrictions.
Ladusaw-DE contexts are K&L strengthening contexts — or, where the DE status is itself only Strawson (superlatives, per the later [vF99a]), the Strawson refinement of strengthening. Ladusaw describes where NPIs occur; K&L and the Strawson tradition explain why.
Adversative predicates: sorry vs glad #
K&L §3.3: sorry that A entails want ¬A, and wanting a set empty entails
wanting all its subsets empty, so for sorry the wide interpretation entails
the narrow — strengthening holds. Glad that A entails want A, and wanting
a set inhabited does not entail wanting each subset inhabited, so
strengthening fails. K&L summarize: adversative predicates are DE on a
constant perspective (and so guarantee strengthening), while predicates like
glad are not DE. The constant "perspective" is the bestOf parameter; the
factive presupposition means the DE pattern is Strawson, not classical.
Sorry licenses NPIs: it is Strawson-DE — DE with the perspective
(bestOf) held constant. Imported from
StrawsonEntailment.sorryFull_isStrawsonDE; consumed by VonFintel1999's
cross-framework bridge.
Sorry is not classically DE: the doxastic factivity presupposition blocks it. K&L adopt Ladusaw's convention that the DE pattern need only hold of the sentence minus its factive presupposition.
Glad does not freely license NPIs: it is UE, so widening weakens. K&L: wanting a set to have members does not entail wanting each particular subset to have members.
A settle-for-less datum (K&L §3.3.2): any under glad is licensed only on the interpretation where the speaker's preferred "narrow wish" cannot be satisfied and they settle for the wide one. With the real wish identified with the narrow wish, being glad of the wide statement entails that one would be glad of the narrow one — K&L's (101) entails (102) — so strengthening is satisfied.
- sentence : String
- grammatical : Bool
- notes : String
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K&L (76B).
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K&L (88). The widening runs from phonologists to linguists, so the narrow wish (a phonologist likes me) is the preferred, real wish.
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K&L (95): sure allows no settle-for-less interpretation — their (96)–(98) lack the characteristic negative implication — so any under sure is never rescued.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.sureNoSettle = { sentence := "*I'm sure we got ANY tickets!", grammatical := false, notes := "sure has no settle-for-less interpretation" }
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Conditional antecedents #
K&L §3.5 treat conditionals and adversatives as one pattern — DE with a
parameter held constant (the implicit restriction, resp. the perspective);
in mathlib terms, Antitone (f param) for fixed param. Under the
restrictor analysis of conditionals (cf. [Kra86]), the antecedent of
conditional necessity is classically DE once the modal base is fixed, so
widening the antecedent domain strengthens the conditional.
Conditional antecedents satisfy strengthening: conditional necessity is DE in its antecedent with the modal base held constant. K&L (143): "If John subscribes to any newspaper, he gets well informed" — widening newspaper to include unimportant newspapers strengthens the conditional.
A conditional with an implicit restriction (K&L's (147)): true iff every relevant case satisfying the restriction and the antecedent satisfies the consequent.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.conditionalWithRestriction restriction antecedent consequent = ∀ (c : Case), restriction c → antecedent c → consequent c
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Widening always satisfies strengthening in conditional antecedents (K&L §3.5.3). Natural-language conditionals are not classically DE — their (140) does not entail (141) — because the implicit restriction can shift. But the restriction cannot undo the effect of widening, so the wide restriction is never stronger than the narrow one, and then the wide conditional entails the narrow one. K&L: strengthening inferences "do always go through, because of the relation between the restrictions of the premise and of the conclusion. The two restrictions are always the same, except that the restriction of the premise may be somewhat weaker (but never stronger), as dictated by the widening."
Negated because-clauses: metalinguistic licensing #
K&L §3.4, contra [Lin87a]: not because [S_] is not DE (because
[S_] is not UE, so negating it yields no DE context), while not because of [NP_] is DE and licenses any freely — their (122)/(123) need no negative
implication. In because [S_], any is licensed only metalinguistically:
the negation denies because's factive presupposition, and any strengthens
that denial. Merely implying the denial is not enough — the rhetorical
conditional (132) can imply it but lacks the metalinguistic denial, and any
is out. This is the paper's only genuinely non-DE licensing mechanism.
A because-clause licensing datum. The prediction checked below is
grammatical = npComplement || metalinguisticDenial; both fields are
annotations transcribed from K&L's §3.4 discussion, so the #guard is a
consistency check on the transcription, not a derived prediction.
- sentence : String
- grammatical : Bool
- npComplement : Bool
because of [NP_] (DE under negation, licenses freely) vs because [S_]
- metalinguisticDenial : Bool
Whether the metalinguistic presupposition-denial reading is available. Mere implication of the denial does not suffice (K&L on (132)).
- notes : String
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K&L (105).
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K&L (106), from [Lin87a]; marked #.
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K&L (109): the any-bearing sentence of their own constructed Sir Winfred passage; marked #. The surrounding text cancels the negative implication, and any is bad.
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K&L (122).
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K&L (123): the felicitous Sir Winfred variant — the minimal pair with (109), substituting because of + NP.
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K&L (125).
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K&L (132): the rhetorical conditional; marked *. It can imply the denial of the presupposition, but cannot metalinguistically deny it.
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FC any as generic indefinite #
K&L's component (FC): PS any is a regular indefinite, FC any a generic indefinite; the apparent universal force of FC any emerges from genericity plus widening (§4.3). The episodic/generic split below is projected from the substrate's mechanism classification. K&L themselves analyze only plain generics like their (10) and tentatively extend to modals; routing imperatives and free relatives through the generic mechanism follows the substrate, not K&L's text (they explicitly defer directives to later work and never discuss free relatives).
Interpretation of the indefinite containing any: episodic (PS any) or generic (FC any).
- episodic : AnyInterpretation
- generic : AnyInterpretation
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instDecidableEqAnyInterpretation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The interpretation of any in a licensing context, projected from the licensing mechanism: generic exactly when the substrate classifies the context as licensed by the generic indefinite.
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Vague restrictions and precisifications #
K&L §4.1: every owl is domain precise — context determines a unique
domain — while generic an owl is domain vague: the normalcy restriction
is inherently underspecified, and different precisifications yield different
domains. This is what lets generics tolerate exceptions ("a poodle gives live
birth" survives male poodles). The Set-based notions are stated locally
because the supervaluation substrate (Semantics/Supervaluation,
[Fin75]) is Finset-based for computability; the finite-case bridge is
VagueRestriction.toSpecSpace below.
A vague restriction ⟨v₀, V⟩ (K&L §4.1): a precise part (properties known to hold) together with its consistent completions, each extending the precise part, which is itself a minimal precisification.
- precise : Set Property
The precise part: properties definitely in the restriction.
- precisifications : Set (Set Property)
The consistent ways to complete the restriction.
- extends_precise (v : Set Property) : v ∈ self.precisifications → self.precise ⊆ v
Every precisification extends the precise part.
- precise_mem : self.precise ∈ self.precisifications
The precise part is itself a (minimal) precisification.
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The domain induced by a property set: the entities satisfying every property.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.domainOf props apply = {e : Entity | ∀ P ∈ props, e ∈ apply P}
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Domain precise (K&L (164)): every precisification determines the same domain as the precise part.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.isDomainPrecise X apply = ∀ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.domainOf v apply = KadmonLandman1993.domainOf X.precise apply
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Domain vague: not domain precise — some precisifications yield different domains.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.isDomainVague X apply = ¬KadmonLandman1993.isDomainPrecise X apply
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If every precisification equals the precise part, the restriction is domain precise — the case of every and no.
Widening along a dimension (K&L (174)): remove the properties on the dimension from the precise part and from every precisification.
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Widening weakens the restriction: the widened precise part is a subset of the original.
Widening expands the domain: fewer constraints, more entities qualify. This is the restriction-weakening half of K&L §3.5.3: the restriction cannot undo the effect of widening.
Dimensional universality #
K&L (175)–(177): after widening along a dimension {P, ¬P}, no entity is excluded on the basis of that dimension, so the quantifier is universal with respect to it. Any CN is dimensionally universal; generic a CN is not. Since almost requires a domain-precise universal or a dimensionally universal NP, this derives almost any owl vs ungrammatical almost an owl (§4.3).
Universality with respect to a dimension (K&L (175)): after widening along the dimension, every entity in the base denotation is in the domain.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.universalWrtDimension X onDimension apply baseDenotation = (baseDenotation ⊆ KadmonLandman1993.domainOf (KadmonLandman1993.widenAlong X onDimension).precise apply)
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A dimension is non-trivial on a base set (K&L (176)): some entity satisfies a property on the dimension and some entity fails one.
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Dimensionally universal (K&L (177)): universal with respect to some non-trivial dimension.
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Any CN is dimensionally universal (K&L §4.3): widening along a non-trivial dimension yields universality with respect to that dimension.
Total widening: if every precise property is on the dimension, widening empties the precise part — K&L's case where any CN becomes not only universal with respect to the dimension but truly universal.
Generic quantification as vague universality #
K&L §4.1.1: a generic is a universal restricted by a vague property set —
"An owl hunts mice" is ∀ ↾ X_owl(Owl)(Hunts mice), their (159). The
traditional GEN operator's hidden normalcy parameter
(Semantics/Genericity/Generics.lean) is, on this view, a choice of
precisification; exception tolerance is the freedom to choose another.
Truth under one precisification: every entity in the induced domain satisfies the scope.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply scope v = ∀ e ∈ KadmonLandman1993.domainOf v apply, scope e
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Supervaluationist truth: true under every precisification.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericSuperTrue X apply scope = ∀ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply scope v
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Subvaluationist truth: true under some precisification — the exception-tolerant reading.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericSubTrue X apply scope = ∃ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply scope v
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Domain vagueness yields two precisifications with different domains — the room generics need for legitimate exceptions.
K&L's explanation of exception tolerance: if the restriction is domain vague and the generic is subvaluationistically true, then there are precisifications with different domains and the generic holds under one of them — an apparent counterexample may fall outside the domain under the operative precisification.
Grounding in Fine 1975 supervaluation #
When the precisification set is finite, K&L's truth notions are
[Fin75]'s: genericSuperTrue is super-truth on the induced
specification space, and the exception-tolerance zone — sub-true but not
super-true — is exactly Fine's borderline (indet) status. "A poodle gives
live birth" is Fine-indefinite and K&L-assertable.
The specification space induced by a vague restriction whose precisifications are enumerated by a finset. Nonemptiness is K&L's axiom that the precise part is itself a precisification.
Equations
- X.toSpecSpace V hV = { admissible := V, nonempty := ⋯ }
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On a finite precisification space, K&L's supervaluationist truth is [Fin75]'s super-truth.
K&L's exception-tolerance zone is Fine's borderline zone. A generic that is subvaluationistically but not supervaluationistically true is exactly one whose supervaluation status is indefinite: assertable for K&L, borderline for [Fin75].
The almost test #
K&L: almost modifies domain-precise true universal quantifiers (∀ or ¬∃) and, after §4.3, dimensionally universal NPs. Some owl is domain precise (K&L p. 412 group it with every owl and no owl) but not universal, so almost some owl is out; generic an owl has universal force but a vague domain; any owl is rescued by dimensional universality.
Domain precision of an NP's restriction (K&L §4.1.2).
- precise : DomainPrecision
- vague : DomainPrecision
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instDecidableEqDomainPrecision x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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An almost-modification datum.
- np : String
- almostOK : Bool
- precision : DomainPrecision
- universalForce : Bool
Whether the NP is a true universal (∀ or ¬∃).
- dimUniversal : Bool
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K&L's condition: a domain-precise universal, or a dimensionally universal NP.
Equations
- d.predicted = (d.universalForce && d.precision == KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.precise || d.dimUniversal)
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.almostEvery = { np := "every owl", almostOK := true, precision := KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.precise, universalForce := true, dimUniversal := false }
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- KadmonLandman1993.almostNo = { np := "no owl", almostOK := true, precision := KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.precise, universalForce := true, dimUniversal := false }
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- KadmonLandman1993.almostSome = { np := "some owl", almostOK := false, precision := KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.precise, universalForce := false, dimUniversal := false }
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- KadmonLandman1993.almostGenericA = { np := "an owl", almostOK := false, precision := KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.vague, universalForce := true, dimUniversal := false }
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.almostAny = { np := "any owl", almostOK := true, precision := KadmonLandman1993.DomainPrecision.vague, universalForce := true, dimUniversal := true }
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Key examples #
localSig is the entailment signature at the narrowest operator scoping over
any — the one K&L's locality condition (D) checks; globalSig the
sentence-level signature. For adversatives the signature idealizes the
factive presupposition away, per K&L's adoption of Ladusaw's convention
(sorry_not_classically_de shows classical DE fails).
An NPI licensing datum with K&L's explanation.
- sentence : String
- grammatical : Bool
- explanation : Semantics.Polarity.Licensing.LicensingMechanism
K&L's licensing mechanism for the judgment.
- localSig : NaturalLogic.EntailmentSig
Signature at the narrowest operator scoping over any.
- globalSig : NaturalLogic.EntailmentSig
Sentence-level signature; defaults to
localSig. - wideningDimension : Option String
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instReprKLDatum = { reprPrec := KadmonLandman1993.instReprKLDatum.repr }
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K&L (1): PS any under negation.
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K&L (2): positive context — widening weakens, so strengthening fails.
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K&L (10): FC any in a generic context.
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K&L (27b): restrictor of a universal is anti-additive.
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K&L (55): scope of a universal is UE.
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K&L (56): locality. The global signature (under negation) composes to DE, but the local context (scope of every) is UE, so any is out despite the DE global context.
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K&L (72): adversatives license (DE on a constant perspective).
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K&L (73): non-adversatives do not license.
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K&L (82).
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K&L (143): conditional antecedent.
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