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Linglib.Studies.Jardine2017

Jardine (2017): tone-association patterns as forbidden subgraphs #

[Jar17]

[Jar17] argues that tone-association patterns over autosegmental representations are computationally local in a well-defined sense: each pattern's well-formedness can be specified by a finite set of forbidden connected subgraphs. An AR is well-formed under a grammar {¬ F₁, ..., ¬ Fₙ} iff none of the Fᵢ embeds into it.

This gives a restrictive theory of tonal well-formedness that:

Coverage #

This file formalises §3.1 + §5.1 of [Jar17]: the Mende right-edge multiple-association pattern and the contrasting Hausa left-edge pattern. Hirosaki Japanese (§5.3), Northern Karanga Shona (§5.1's second half), and Kukuya (§5.2) are sketched in the docstring as future extensions — each follows the same Graph- based forbidden-subgraph schema.

Second consumer of Autosegmental.Graph after Studies/LaoideKemp2026.lean. Exercises the SubgraphEmbeds predicate (precedence-preserving translation embedding), which Laoide-Kemp doesn't touch.

Main definitions #

Convention #

Jardine 2017 draws forbidden subgraphs with explicit H→L precedence arrows on the tone tier and σ→σ arrows on the TBU tier. In Graph Tone TBU, precedence is implicit in list order: the upper tier is List Tone, the lower is List TBU. The SubgraphEmbeds predicate captures the paper's connected-subgraph embedding by requiring a translation mapping (consecutive positions in F map to consecutive positions in G).

§1 Label types #

Jardine 2017 uses H and L for tones and σ (syllable) or μ (mora) for tone-bearing units, plus # for tier boundaries. Boundaries (#) appear in some grammars (e.g., Northern Karanga Shona eq. (24)) but not in the Mende/Hausa grammars formalised here; we include the constructor for future extensions.

Tonal-tier label.

  • H : Tone
  • L : Tone
  • bdry : Tone

    Word/tier boundary marker (#). Used by some grammars (e.g., Northern Karanga Shona in [Jar17] eq. 24); not used in the Mende/Hausa formalisations below.

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    def Jardine2017.instReprTone.repr :
    ToneStd.Format
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      Tone-bearing unit label. Most patterns in [Jar17] use the syllable σ; Hirosaki Japanese (§5.3) uses the mora μ.

      • σ : TBU
      • μ : TBU
      • bdry : TBU

        TBU-tier boundary marker.

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        @[implicit_reducible]
        instance Jardine2017.instDecidableEqTBU :
        DecidableEq TBU
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        def Jardine2017.instReprTBU.repr :
        TBUStd.Format
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          @[implicit_reducible]
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          @[reducible, inline]

          An autosegmental representation in Jardine 2017's sense: Graph Tone TBU. Upper tier is tones (with implicit precedence by list order); lower tier is TBUs; links are association lines.

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            §2 Mende: right-edge multiple association #

            [Jar17] §3.1, eq. (5)

            In Mende, tonal plateaus (a single tone associated to multiple syllables) and contour tones (multiple tones on one syllable) are restricted to the right word edge. The HLL melody surfacing on a trisyllabic word like félàmà 'junction' arises from L's right-edge spread to syllables 2 and 3.

            mbû 'owl' (1σ, HL contour). Both H and L associate to the single syllable. Contour at the right edge — the only edge.

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              félàmà 'junction' (3σ, HL melody with L-spread to right two syllables: HLL surface). The diagnostic case for Mende: L spreads at the right edge.

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                §2.1 Forbidden subgraphs ([Jar17] eq. 21) #

                The Mende grammar is the conjunction of three forbidden subgraphs. Each subgraph captures one structural configuration that doesn't appear in any well-formed Mende AR.

                (21a) non-final H spreading: ¬ H→L : σ σ. An H tone linked to two consecutive σs, with an L tone following on the tonal tier. The L's presence is what makes the H "non-final" — there's another tone to its right.

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                  (21b) non-final L spreading: ¬ L→H : σ σ. An L tone linked to two consecutive σs, with an H tone following.

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                    (21c) non-final contour: ¬ H L : σ→σ. A contour (H and L both linked to one σ), with another σ following on the TBU tier. The trailing σ makes the contour-bearing σ "non-final".

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                      The Mende grammar's forbidden block patterns ([Jar17] (21a–c)): a form is well-formed iff it is Graph.Free of all three.

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                        §2.2 Attested forms satisfy the Mende grammar #

                        Each attested form is well-formed under the Mende grammar iff it does not contain any forbidden subgraph. By SubgraphEmbeds, this is decide-checkable.

                        félàmà (HLL on 3σ via L-spread to final two σs) — the key well-formedness check. L is multiply associated, but the spread is to the right edge; no forbidden subgraph embeds.

                        All three Mende attested forms satisfy the full Mende grammar: each is Graph.Free of mendeForbidden (none of the three forbidden subgraphs embeds into any of them). [Jar17] §5.1, the main empirical claim.

                        §3 Hausa: left-edge multiple association #

                        [Jar17] eq. (7), (22)

                        Hausa is the mirror of Mende: multiple association occurs only at the left edge. háantúnàa 'noses' has HHL surface — the H spreads leftward to the first two syllables.

                        §3.1 Forbidden subgraphs ([Jar17] eq. 22) #

                        Hausa's grammar is the mirror of Mende's: non-initial multiple association is forbidden. The first two subgraphs match an L preceding an H linked to two σs (non-initial H spreading) and mirror; the third forbids a non-initial contour.

                        (22a) non-initial H spreading: ¬ L→H : σ σ. An L on the tonal tier followed by an H linked to two σs — the H is non-initial (preceded by L).

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                          (22c) non-initial contour: a σ preceded by another σ on the TBU tier, with a contour H L linked to the second σ.

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                            §3.2 Attested Hausa forms satisfy the Hausa grammar #

                            §4 The Mende/Hausa contrast: same shape, opposite edges #

                            [Jar17] §3.1 and §5.1

                            Mende's félàmà (HLL on 3σ, L-spread at right edge) is exactly the kind of pattern Hausa's grammar would forbid (its mirror is a non-initial L spread). Conversely, Hausa's háantúnàa (HHL on 3σ, H-spread at left edge) is exactly what Mende's grammar forbids.

                            This pair makes Jardine's locality thesis concrete: each language's grammar is a finite set of forbidden subgraphs, and the difference between Mende and Hausa is the side of the word edge to which the prohibition applies.

                            The Hausa attested form háantúnàa (HHL = H-spread to first 2σ) contains exactly the structural pattern that Mende's grammar forbids: non-final H spreading. This makes Mende and Hausa mutually exclusive on their diagnostic forms.

                            Symmetrically, Mende's félàmà (HLL = L-spread to last 2σ) contains Hausa's forbidden non-initial-L pattern.

                            §5 Future extensions #

                            The paper covers three further patterns not formalised here. Each extends the same Graph-based forbidden-subgraph schema and would be a natural addition to this file.

                            The deferred items are all ≤ 100 LOC each in the same shape as the Mende/Hausa above: enumerate attested forms, enumerate forbidden subgraphs, prove non-embedding by decide. They can be added incrementally as needed.