Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Heim1983

Heim (1983): Projection and Partial Context Change #

[Hei83] [Kar73]

The classic King and factive-verb examples, their PartialProp denotations, NeoGricean PresupDerivation wrappers, and the filtering predictions derived from partial context change potentials.

Main declarations #

World type for the king example.

Two possible states:

  • kingExists: There is a (unique) king in this world
  • noKing: There is no king in this world
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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    def Heim1983.instReprKingWorld.repr :
    KingWorldStd.Format
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      "The king exists" — a presuppositionless assertion.

      This sentence has:

      • No presupposition (trivially true)
      • Assertion: the king exists
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        "The king is bald" — presupposes king exists.

        This sentence has:

        • Presupposition: the king exists
        • Assertion: the king is bald (true when king exists)
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          "If the king exists, the king is bald" — using filtering implication.

          Demonstrates presupposition filtering: the antecedent's assertion satisfies the consequent's presupposition.

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            "If the king exists, the king is bald" has no presupposition.

            This demonstrates presupposition filtering.

            World type for factive verb examples.

            Models whether it's raining and whether John believes it.

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              def Heim1983.instReprRainWorld.repr :
              RainWorldStd.Format
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                @[implicit_reducible]
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                "John knows that it's raining" — factive presupposition.

                Presupposes: it's raining Asserts: John believes it's raining

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                  The King example as a PresupDerivation, adding trigger information for NeoGricean SI computation.

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                    The conditional "If the king exists, the king is bald" as a derivation.

                    Note: No presupposition triggers project because filtering eliminates them.

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                      Factive verb example as a derivation.

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                        Filtering affects which triggers are relevant for SI.

                        When a presupposition is filtered (locally satisfied), the corresponding trigger no longer contributes to global presupposition, and alternatives involving that trigger may behave differently. (The triggers := [] entry is derived below: conditional_admitted_everywhere proves the filtering from the partial-CCP semantics rather than stipulating it.)

                        Filtering derived from partial CCPs #

                        [Hei83]'s actual machinery: sentences denote partial context change potentials (Semantics.Dynamic.Core.PartialCCP), and admittance does the projection work. The conditional's CCP is admitted by every context — the antecedent's update satisfies the consequent's king-presupposition — while the bare consequent's CCP is not admitted by the full context. The filtering recorded in the trigger tables above is a theorem, not a table entry.

                        Every context admits ⟦if the king exists, the king is bald⟧: the antecedent's update filters the consequent's presupposition ([Hei83]'s conditional CCP).

                        The bare consequent ⟦the king is bald⟧ is NOT admitted by the full context: the noKing world fails the presupposition, which therefore projects.