Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Halpert2019

[Hal19]: Raising, unphased #

Halpert derives cross-linguistic variation in raising-to-subject without the Phase Impenetrability Condition. Two clause-and-language properties do the work:

  1. whether a clausal complement is a φ-goal matrix T interacts with;
  2. whether that clause can satisfy the EPP (move to Spec,TP);

plus whether T has an EPP at all. The engine is the canonical Probe (Probe/Basic.lean): Deal's ([Dea15]) interaction is Probe.vis (the search halts on a φ-bearing clause — an A-over-A intervener) and satisfaction is Probe.act (the goal can occupy Spec,TP). When the closest clause interacts but cannot satisfy the EPP it absorbs the probe (Probe.agree_eq_none_of_inactive); T then probes a second time ([RR05]), reaching the embedded subject — hyper-raising — when it genuinely Agreed with the clause, and stalling (defective intervention) when it did not.

This relativizes phasehood to φ-probes rather than positing a fixed PIC (phaseImpenetrable, Syntax/Minimalist/Phase.lean): finite CPs and nonfinite TPs of the same size get opposite raising outcomes across languages, so the split cannot be size/phase-driven (finite_cp_outcome_not_size_driven, nonfinite_tp_outcome_not_size_driven).

Main declarations #

A clausal complement, classified by the three probe-relevant properties Halpert's account turns on.

  • interacts : Bool

    T's φ-probe halts on it: a φ-goal, or a defective nominal intervener (the English that-CP). Transparent clauses (English nonfinite TP, small clauses) are not interveners.

  • canAgree : Bool

    T can Agree with it (copy φ) — a genuine φ-goal. The English that-CP interacts but has no φ to copy ([Mou09]).

  • canSatisfyEPP : Bool

    It can satisfy the EPP by moving to Spec,TP (Zulu infinitival TP, Uyghur DP-nominalization), vs. clauses barred from Spec,TP (Zulu finite CP, Uyghur NP-nominalization).

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    def Halpert2019.instDecidableEqClause.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Clause) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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      def Halpert2019.instReprClause.repr :
      ClauseStd.Format
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        @[implicit_reducible]
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        A goal the matrix-T EPP probe ranges over, in c-command order: the clausal complement (closest) then the embedded subject.

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          @[implicit_reducible]
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          def Halpert2019.instReprGoal.repr :
          GoalStd.Format
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            The matrix-T EPP probe: [Dea15]'s interaction is Probe.vis (the search halts on an intervening clause), satisfaction is Probe.act (the goal can occupy Spec,TP). The embedded subject is a movable φ-goal — visible and EPP-satisfying.

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              def Halpert2019.goals (c : Clause) :
              List Goal

              The clause c-commands the embedded subject.

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                The five raising outcomes Halpert's typology distinguishes.

                • noRaising : RaisingOutcome

                  No EPP: T Agrees with the clause in situ, nothing moves (Makhuwa, Matengo).

                • subjectRaises : RaisingOutcome

                  Ordinary raising: the embedded subject moves to matrix Spec,TP (English nonfinite TP).

                • clauseRaises : RaisingOutcome

                  The whole clause satisfies the EPP and moves (Zulu infinitival TP, Uyghur DP-nominalization).

                • hyperRaises : RaisingOutcome

                  A second Agree reaches the embedded subject (Zulu finite CP, Uyghur NP-nominalization).

                • blocked : RaisingOutcome

                  A defective intervener stalls the probe (English finite CP).

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                  @[implicit_reducible]
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                    The derivation, run through the canonical Probe engine. With no EPP nothing moves. With an EPP, matrix T runs eppProbe.agree over [clause, subject]: a transparent clause is skipped and the subject raises; a clause that satisfies the EPP is Agreed-with and raises whole; an interacting clause that cannot satisfy the EPP absorbs the probe (Probe.agree_eq_none_of_inactive), and the licensed second probe reaches the embedded subject (hyperRaises) iff T genuinely Agreed with the clause, else stalls (blocked).

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                      The derivation, from the Probe engine #

                      No EPP ⇒ no raising, whatever the clause.

                      A transparent clause (not an intervener) lets T reach the embedded subject: ordinary raising.

                      A φ-goal that satisfies the EPP raises as a whole clause; the embedded subject does not move.

                      theorem Halpert2019.raisingOutcome_eq_hyperRaises {c : Clause} (hi : c.interacts = true) (ha : c.canAgree = true) (he : c.canSatisfyEPP = false) :

                      A φ-goal that interacts but cannot satisfy the EPP absorbs the first Agree; the licensed second probe reaches the embedded subject.

                      theorem Halpert2019.raisingOutcome_eq_blocked {c : Clause} (hi : c.interacts = true) (ha : c.canAgree = false) (he : c.canSatisfyEPP = false) :

                      A defective intervener (interacts, but T cannot Agree with it) stalls the probe: no second Agree, no raising.

                      Cross-linguistic raising profiles #

                      English nonfinite TP: transparent, not an intervener.

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                        English finite that-CP: a defective intervener — visible, no φ to Agree, cannot move ([Mou09]).

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                          Zulu small clause: transparent.

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                            Zulu infinitival TP: a φ-goal that satisfies the EPP.

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                              Zulu finite ukuthi-CP: a φ-goal that cannot satisfy the EPP.

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                                Uyghur DP-nominalization (non-modal adjective): φ-goal, satisfies the EPP ([Asa11]).

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                                  Uyghur NP-nominalization (modal adjective): φ-goal, cannot satisfy the EPP.

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                                    English raising profile ([Hal19]): raising is required out of a nonfinite TP and blocked out of a finite CP. (Models the seem/be likely predicates; the tend/happen/keep selection matrix and the AP/NP-vs-VP small-clause split are not modelled.)

                                    Zulu raising profile ([Hal19], building on [Ura94]'s hyper-raising): hyper-raising out of a finite CP, the whole clause raises out of a nonfinite TP (so the subject does not), and the subject raises out of a small clause. The finite-CP case is in fact optional — an expletive ku- non-raising variant coexists with hyper-raising, and the ku-/u- morphology spells out first- vs. second-Agree — an optionality this deterministic RaisingOutcome abstracts over.

                                    Uyghur raising profile ([Asa11], [Hal19]): a DP-nominalization raises whole; an NP-nominalization hyper-raises the embedded subject.

                                    Makhuwa/Matengo: removing just the EPP from the Zulu setting kills raising entirely — even out of a finite-CP φ-goal.

                                    Raising is unphased #

                                    The thesis: a finite CP yields hyper-raising in Zulu but is blocked in English — same clause "size", opposite outcomes — because the split is φ-goal status (canAgree), not a size-driven phase boundary.

                                    Likewise a nonfinite TP: the whole clause raises in Zulu but the subject raises in English — the split is EPP-satisfaction (canSatisfyEPP), not clause size.