Halpert 2012 — Argument Licensing and Agreement in Zulu [Hal12] #
[Hal12] (MIT dissertation): the familiar structural licensers (T⁰, v⁰, P⁰) are not licensers in Zulu; instead a Licensing head L⁰ above vP licenses the highest element within vP, and the augment vowel on a nominal is itself an intrinsic case licenser. Augmentless nominals therefore need L⁰: they must be vP-internal, structurally highest there, and at most one occurs per simplex clause. The conjoint/disjoint alternation on the verb (present tense: conjoint ∅- vs. disjoint ya-) is the morphological spellout of L⁰ itself (her ch. 4): "the disjoint appears when L fails to find a goal", and "As long as probing is attempted, the derivation will still converge even if a probe fails to find a goal" — failure-tolerance, adopted by [Pre14] Ch. 6 as the second case study in tolerated failed agreement.
Formalized through Probe/Basic.lean: L⁰ is the indiscriminate
instance of Probe.search (Probe.indiscriminate, so bare minimality delivers
List.head?; augmented nominals intervene, her Chomsky-2000-style
intervention), and the licensing condition is the off-diagonal
Probe.AllLicensed with needs = augmentless. Contrast Kichean
([Pre14] Ch. 4): the diagonal case, π⁰ relativized to
exactly the needy, hence omnivorous and position-insensitive.
Scope: simplex clauses only — the dissertation's second licensing
route (V⁰ together with specifier-taking CAUS/APPL heads, licensing
one additional augmentless nominal; her LP schemas in ch. 3) is not
modeled. Nominal also under-populates L⁰'s search space: her L⁰
targets any vP-internal XP (locatives, adverbs), so a conjoint fed
by a non-nominal is not representable here.
A vP-internal nominal: noun class + augment status. Class numbers follow the standard Bantu numbering Halpert uses (1 muntu 'person', 5 qanda 'egg', ...).
- nounClass : ℕ
- augmented : Bool
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- Halpert2012.instReprNominal = { reprPrec := Halpert2012.instReprNominal.repr }
Does a nominal need licensing by L⁰? Augmentless nominals do; the augment is an intrinsic case licenser, so augmented nominals don't (while still intervening for L⁰).
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- Halpert2012.needsL n = !n.augmented
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L⁰ itself: the indiscriminate probe — every element is visible, so bare minimality delivers the structurally highest one.
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Bare minimality, as a theorem: the indiscriminate search takes the head of the sequence.
The licensing condition on a simplex vP: every augmentless nominal is licensed by L⁰'s single search.
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L⁰'s probing outcome: valued iff the vP has any overt content.
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- Halpert2012.lOutcome vp = Halpert2012.L.outcome vp
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The conjoint/disjoint marker (present tense) as the spellout of L⁰: conjoint ∅- when L⁰ found a goal, disjoint ya- when it failed. A marked pattern — the overt member realizes FAILED valuation ([Pre14] Ch. 6 notes the parallel with English non-past -Ø vs. -z).
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- Halpert2012.lSpellout vp = match Halpert2012.lOutcome vp with | Minimalist.Probe.Outcome.valued => "∅-" | Minimalist.Probe.Outcome.unvalued => "ya-"
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The conjoint/disjoint distribution #
Disjoint iff vP is empty (after A-movement): the conjoint requires overt vP-internal material — L⁰'s indiscriminate search is sensitive even to non-arguments, which is the learner's evidence that L⁰ is unrelativized ([Pre14] Ch. 6 §6.1.3's locative-modifier point).
Licensing: highest-only and at-most-one #
An augmentless nominal is licensed iff it is the structurally
highest element of its vP — her ch. 3: L "licenses the highest
element in vP". Instance of Probe.indiscriminate_allLicensed_iff.
At most one augmentless nominal per simplex vP (her transitive and intransitive LP schemas): L⁰'s single Agree relation licenses at most one goal.
The negated-expletive VS(O) paradigm #
The augmentless distribution in negated transitive-expletive clauses — augmentless nominals are NPIs in these contexts (her ch. 3 paradigm, (127); reproduced as [Pre14] (128)): an augmentless nominal is fine alone or above an augmented object; blocked in pairs (single Agree relation) and below an augmented subject (intervention). Tokens: muntu '1person', qanda '5egg'.
Tolerated failed agreement #
Failure-tolerance, in her own terms ("As long as probing is attempted, the derivation will still converge even if a probe fails to find a goal"; "When L fails to find a goal, the derivation records this failure in the morphological spell-out"): an empty vP leaves L⁰ unvalued, the derivation converges under the obligatory-operations model, and PF realizes the failure as the overt disjoint ya-. With any goal — even a licensing-indifferent augmented one — L⁰ is valued and the conjoint ∅- surfaces.