Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Guerrini2026

[Gue26]: Distributive kind predication #

Janek Guerrini, "Distributive kind predication", Natural Language Semantics 34:85–136 (2026).

Thesis #

Generalizations with kind-denoting plurals (English bare plurals, Italian definite plurals) are structurally ambiguous — not because Gen has a complex semantics, but because the kind-denoting plural licenses parses with no Gen at all: Bona Fide Generic (BFG: kind restricts Gen, law-like), and the Gen-free Distributive Kind Predication (DKP: DIST over the kind at s₀, accidental), Cumulative Kind Predication (CKP: **, §4), and Derived Property Predication (DPP: property → low-scoped , §5.3). Singular indefinites cannot denote kinds ( undefined for singular count nouns), so DKP/CKP never apply and they are limited to BFG, explaining their narrower distribution (Table 1).

This file derives the LF typology from the shared Chierchia kind-denotation primitive ([Chi98]), states the prevalence bridge to [TG19], and contrasts the non-quantificational DKP/CKP analyses with the quantificational rivals [Coh99] and [Nic09]. Empirical stimuli are typed rows in Data/Examples/Guerrini2026.json (Examples.all).

The four LF parses #

The four LF parses of a sentence with a kind-denoting plural (diagram (145)). The first three require kind denotation; the fourth requires property denotation. Singular indefinites access only bonaFideGeneric.

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      BFG is law-like (modal Gen); the three Gen-free parses are accidental (DPP, an existential episodic reading, is not a generalization but groups with the non-generic parses here).

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        Whether a parse involves the silent quantificational adverb Gen. Only BFG does, so only BFG supports Quantificational Variability Effects and is subject to [TG19]'s prevalence inference.

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          Only the Bona Fide Generic parse involves Gen, hence QVEs and threshold inference (examples (8), (90), (92)).

          The named operators (foundational by construction) #

          DKP is DIST over the kind extension; CKP is the cumulative operator **. Both are the theory-layer operators under the paper's names, so theorems about them are theorems about distMaximal / Cumulative.

          @[reducible, inline]
          abbrev Guerrini2026.distributiveKindPred {Atom W : Type} (kindExt : WFinset Atom) (P : AtomWProp) [(a : Atom) → (w : W) → Decidable (P a w)] (s₀ : W) :

          Distributive Kind Predication: distribute P over the kind's extension at s₀ (structure (30): ∀y(y ≤ ∩lions_{s₀}) → ⟦hunt⟧_{s₀}(y)).

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            abbrev Guerrini2026.cumulativeKindPred {Atom Loc : Type} (R : AtomLocProp) (kindExt : Finset Atom) (locations : Finset Loc) :

            Cumulative Kind Predication: the cumulative operator ** relates the kind extension to a set of locations (§4, structure (62)).

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              Nominal Mapping and denotation (diagram (145), §5.3) #

              Cross-linguistic nominal forms.

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                  Whether an overt determiner D is present (Italian definite plural alone).

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                    Available denotations per nominal form. Kind denotation from CanDenoteKind; property denotation from the parameter + D-status (predOnly + D maps to a kind, blocking the property reading).

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                      Table 1: distribution of generalizations #

                      Nominal form in a generalization.

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                          def Guerrini2026.table1 :
                          NominalFormBoolBool

                          Table 1: kind-denoting plurals appear in both flavors; singular indefinites only in law-like ones. (true = felicitous; the kind/law-like cell uses lfFlavor-style booleans.)

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                            Singular indefinites lack the accidental flavor — the end of a four-step chain: undefined for singular count nouns ⇒ no kind denotation ⇒ no DKP/CKP ⇒ only BFG ⇒ only law-like.

                            Table 1 is derivable from LF availability + LF→flavor: English BPs have LFs of both flavors; property-only nominals have only BFG (law-like).

                            Homogeneity removal (Table 3, §3.3) #

                            DIST and Gen each contribute homogeneity. all removes DIST-homogeneity; always (a Q-adverb, = overt Gen) removes Gen-homogeneity.

                            The adverb/quantifier that removes a homogeneity source.

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                                all targets DIST-homogeneity, always targets Gen-homogeneity. The boolean argument is true for DIST, false for Gen.

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                                  Referential definite plurals (DIST only) accept all not always; singular indefinite generics (Gen only) accept always not all; kind-denoting plural generics (both, by ambiguity) accept both.

                                  Subjunctive and aspect diagnostics (§3.5, §3.4) #

                                  Italian mood on the relative clause modifying the subject DP.

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                                      The subjunctive is licensed only inside Gen's restrictor, so it forces the BFG parse (example (44)); the indicative keeps all parses.

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                                        The subjunctive disambiguates to BFG; the indicative preserves ambiguity.

                                        VP aspect. Episodic VPs have no Hab/Gen, so BFG is unavailable and only the Gen-free parses survive — why episodic bare plurals get near-universal readings without generic quantification (§5).

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                                          def Guerrini2026.instReprVPAspect.repr :
                                          VPAspectStd.Format
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                                            Epistemic adjectives and singular kinds (§5.2.2, §6.2) #

                                            Adjective reading: a nonlocal (propositional) reading blocks kind denotation, hence DKP (examples (99)–(104)).

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                                                Singular kind terms are atomic (following [Bar92], [Sch96b], [Day04]): DIST and ** need pluralities, so only BFG is available — no accidental or cumulative readings (§6.2, examples (133)–(136)).

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                                                  Singular kind terms support only law-like readings.

                                                  Prevalence bridge to [TG19] (§3.6) #

                                                  Threshold semantics applies to the BFG parse. The DKP parse has no Gen: its truth conditions are extensional (DIST over the actual kind extension), hence stronger than any threshold generic. Prevalence is the bridge quantity.

                                                  def Guerrini2026.prevalenceAtWorld {Atom W : Type} (P : AtomWProp) [(a : Atom) → (w : W) → Decidable (P a w)] (ext : Finset Atom) (w : W) :

                                                  Prevalence of P among the atoms of an extension at w: |{a ∈ ext | P a w}| / |ext|. (Generalizes to Quantification.prevalenceOn ext (fun _ => True) (P · w).)

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                                                    theorem Guerrini2026.dkp_true_iff_prevalence_one {Atom W : Type} (P : AtomWProp) [(a : Atom) → (w : W) → Decidable (P a w)] (ext : Finset Atom) (w : W) (hne : ext.Nonempty) :

                                                    DKP is true (all actual kind members satisfy P) iff prevalence is 1: the extensional, non-generic truth condition of the DKP parse.

                                                    theorem Guerrini2026.dkp_false_iff_prevalence_zero {Atom W : Type} (P : AtomWProp) [(a : Atom) → (w : W) → Decidable (P a w)] (ext : Finset Atom) (w : W) :

                                                    DKP is determinately false iff prevalence is 0 (no kind member satisfies P).

                                                    DKP-true entails the BFG (threshold) reading at every threshold: prevalence 100% exceeds them all.

                                                    The threshold-sensitive region is where the two parses do real work: at 70% prevalence the generic is true against a 60% threshold, false against 80%.

                                                    theorem Guerrini2026.parses_can_disagree :
                                                    ¬Semantics.Plurality.allSatisfy (fun (a : Fin 10) (x : Fin 1) => a < 7) Finset.univ 0 ¬Semantics.Plurality.noneSatisfy (fun (a : Fin 10) (x : Fin 1) => a < 7) Finset.univ 0 TesslerGoodman2019.genericMeaning (Degree.thr 12 ) (Degree.deg 14 ) = true

                                                    The parses can disagree: at 7-of-10 the DKP parse is a trivalent gap (not all, not none) while the BFG parse is true at a 60% threshold.

                                                    Empirical predictions over the (21)–(136) stimuli #

                                                    Stimuli are typed LinguisticExample rows in Data/Examples/Guerrini2026.json. featOf/readOf project the paper-specific tags and reading-level judgments.

                                                    def Guerrini2026.featOf (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) (k : String) :
                                                    Option String

                                                    A paper-feature value of an example row.

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                                                      A reading-level judgment of an example row.

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                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.genericity_table1_data :
                                                        ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "genericity" && featOf r "nominalForm" == some "kindDenotingPlural") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => x.judgment == Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "genericity" && featOf r "nominalForm" == some "singularIndefinite" && featOf r "flavor" == some "accidental") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => x.judgment == Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true

                                                        Table 1 over the (21)/(22) stimuli: kind-denoting plurals are felicitous in both flavors; singular indefinites are infelicitous in accidental ones.

                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.near_universal_tracks_kind :
                                                        ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => (featOf r "diagnostic" == some "episodic" || featOf r "diagnostic" == some "epistemic-adj") && (featOf r "nominalForm" == some "kindDenotingPlural" || featOf r "adjReading" == some "local")) Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf x "near-universal" == some Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => (featOf r "diagnostic" == some "episodic" || featOf r "diagnostic" == some "epistemic-adj") && (featOf r "nominalForm" == some "singularIndefinite" || featOf r "adjReading" == some "nonlocal")) Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf x "near-universal" == some Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true

                                                        Near-universal asymmetry across episodics (§5) and epistemic adjectives (§5.2.2): kind-denoting plurals and local adjectives get the near-universal (DKP) reading; singular indefinites and nonlocal adjectives do not.

                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.accidental_tracks_kind :
                                                        ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => (featOf r "diagnostic" == some "greenberg" || featOf r "diagnostic" == some "italian-gen") && (featOf r "nominalForm" == some "kindDenotingPlural" || featOf r "nominalExpression" == some "italianDefinitePlural")) Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf x "accidental" == some Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "greenberg" && featOf r "nominalForm" == some "singularIndefinite") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf x "accidental" == some Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true

                                                        Accidental-reading asymmetry, including the [Gre04]/[Gre07] data reported in §3.7: kind-denoting plurals license accidental readings, singular indefinites do not.

                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.singular_kind_divergence_data :
                                                        ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "singular-kind" && featOf r "kindTermNumber" == some "singular") Examples.all).all fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf r "accidental" == some Features.Judgment.unacceptable && readOf r "cumulative" == some Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "singular-kind" && featOf r "kindTermNumber" == some "plural") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => readOf x "accidental" == some Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true

                                                        Singular vs plural kind terms (§6.2): singular kind terms lack accidental and cumulative readings; plural kind terms have the accidental reading.

                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.qadv_and_cumulativity_data :
                                                        ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "homogeneity-removal" && featOf r "remover" == some "all") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => x.judgment == Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true ((List.filter (fun (r : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => featOf r "diagnostic" == some "homogeneity-removal" && featOf r "remover" == some "always") Examples.all).all fun (x : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) => x.judgment == Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true (readOf Examples.ex68a "cumulative" == some Features.Judgment.acceptable) = true (readOf Examples.ex69 "cumulative" == some Features.Judgment.unacceptable) = true

                                                        Q-adverb and cumulativity diagnostics: always/Q-adverbs (overt Gen) strip the DKP/CKP readings while all (the DIST counterpart) does not — no Gen.

                                                        Bridge to [Lon01] #

                                                        [Lon01]'s referential bare nominal = Guerrini's kind denotation; both bottom out in Chierchia's CanDenoteKind. English BPs can be referential/denote kinds; Italian (Romance) bare nominals cannot.

                                                        Cross-framework divergences: DKP/CKP are non-quantificational #

                                                        Guerrini's "not a complex semantics for Gen" makes the accidental and cumulative readings non-quantificational, against the rivals [Coh99] (majority/proportional Gen) and [Nic09] (ways-of-normality Gen), which treat the same data as a quantifier. These theorems put the analyses on shared models and show they disagree on truth value and ontology.

                                                        theorem Guerrini2026.dkp_vs_cohen_disagree :
                                                        ¬distributiveKindPred (fun (x : Fin 1) => Finset.univ) (fun (a : Fin 10) (x : Fin 1) => a < 7) 0 ¬Semantics.Plurality.noneSatisfy (fun (a : Fin 10) (x : Fin 1) => a < 7) Finset.univ 0 (Cohen1999.cohenGEN Finset.univ (fun (x : Fin 10) => True) fun (a : Fin 10) => a < 7) involvesGen GeneralizationLF.distributiveKindPred = false

                                                        DKP vs [Coh99], one shared 7-of-10 model. Cohen's majority Gen judges it true (7/10 > 1/2) as a proportional quantifier (cohen_proportional); the DKP parse is a trivalent gap with no Gen. Same datum, opposite ontology.

                                                        Habitat of an elephant in [Nic09]'s shared model (6 African, 4 Asian).

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                                                          def Guerrini2026.instReprHabitat.repr :
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                                                            Which habitat each elephant lives in.

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                                                              CKP vs [Nic09]/[Coh99] on "Elephants live in Africa and Asia". Cumulative kind predication succeeds with no Gen; Nickel's conjunctive Gen succeeds as a quantifier; Cohen's majority Gen fails on the Asia conjunct (4/10 < 1/2). One datum, three analyses; only Guerrini's is non-quantificational.