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Linglib.Studies.Grubic2015

Alternative-sensitive particles in Ngamo #

Formalises [grubic-2015] Ch. 6–7: the Ngamo particles yak('i) 'only', ke('e) 'also', and har('i) 'even' in a Beaver & Clark-style QUD account. yak(p) presupposes at least p and asserts at most p over entailment-ranked alternatives (the Coppock & Beaver decomposition); ke(p) presupposes a given alternative about a different topic situation; har(p) presupposes a contextual implication of p ranked high on a salient scale (kept as prose).

yak_eq_prejacent_inter_onlyVia reconciles the scalar and identity formulations of exclusivity: over the conjunction-closure of the atomic alternatives, yak's total content (presupposition plus assertion) coincides with the prejacent exhaustified by the strong-theory onlyVia over the atoms — the Kiss-style identificational meaning derived from the scalar decomposition.

Distribution (her (10)–(12)): yak cannot associate with preverbal subjects but is fine in any focus construction; ke/har associate with preverbal subjects but are marginal with =i/ye-marked focus under parallel backgrounds — data recorded in distribution.

The Coppock & Beaver decomposition (Ch. 7) #

def Grubic2015.atLeast {W : Type u_1} (C : Set (Set W)) (p : Set W) :
Set W

At least p: some alternative at least as strong as the prejacent holds — yak's presupposition.

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    def Grubic2015.atMost {W : Type u_1} (C : Set (Set W)) (p : Set W) :
    Set W

    At most p: no alternative strictly stronger than the prejacent holds — yak's assertion.

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      def Grubic2015.yak {W : Type u_1} (C : Set (Set W)) (p : Set W) :

      yak('i) 'only': presupposes at least p, asserts at most p (her Ch. 7, following Coppock & Beaver's only).

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        def Grubic2015.ke {W : Type u_1} (given : Set (Set W)) (p : Set W) :

        ke('e) 'also': presupposes that a distinct alternative is given (her Ch. 7; the different-topic-situation refinement is prose).

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          The total content of a two-dimensional meaning: at-issue plus presupposed.

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            Reconciling the scalar and identity formulations #

            On the building scenario (her (10)–(11)): worlds track which of the house and the granary Kule built.

            Who-built-what worlds.

            • house : Bool
            • granary : Bool
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              def Grubic2015.instDecidableEqBuildWorld.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : BuildWorld) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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                  The atomic alternatives.

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                    The QUD's answer space: the atoms and their conjunction.

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                      The scalar and identity formulations coincide: yak's total content over the conjunction-closed answer space equals the prejacent exhaustified by onlyVia over the atoms — the Kiss-style identificational meaning ('built the house and nothing else') derived from the at-least/at-most decomposition.

                      ke's additive presupposition needs a distinct given alternative: with only the prejacent given, the presupposition fails everywhere — the anaphoricity behind her (12) parallel-background facts.

                      Distribution (her (10)–(12)) #

                      The particles.

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                        @[implicit_reducible]
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                        def Grubic2015.instReprParticle.repr :
                        ParticleStd.Format
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                          The association configurations tested.

                          • preverbalSubject : Host
                          • bmMarkedFocus : Host
                          • plainFocus : Host
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                            @[implicit_reducible]
                            instance Grubic2015.instDecidableEqHost :
                            DecidableEq Host
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                            @[implicit_reducible]
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                            def Grubic2015.instReprHost.repr :
                            HostStd.Format
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                              Her (10)–(11) acceptability table: yak cannot associate with preverbal subjects; ke/har are marginal with =i/ye-marked focus (under parallel backgrounds — the (12) exception is prose).

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                                No particle-host uniformity: the two asymmetries cross-cut — association possibilities do not follow from the particle or the host alone.