Grimm & Dočekal (2021) — Counting Aggregates, Groups and Kinds #
Formalizes the formal core of:
Grimm, S. & Dočekal, M. (2021). Counting aggregates, groups and kinds: Countability from the perspective of a morphologically complex language. In H. Filip (ed.), Countability in Natural Language, 85–120. Cambridge University Press.
The data #
Czech makes the individuation scale morphologically visible. Beyond the count/non-count contrast, its derivational morphology targets entity types English leaves undifferentiated:
- Derived aggregates (suffix -í, Table 3.1): countable roots yield strongly non-countable collection nouns — list 'leaf' → listí 'foliage', strom 'tree' → stromoví 'clump of trees' — requiring coherence (spatial proximity, functional interdependence) of the members, with no pluralization, no cardinals ((10)–(11)), and no packaging shifts ((12)).
- Group numerals (-ice, §3.2.2.1): troj-ice námořníků 'a group of three sailors' — animate-only, collective-only interpretation, and the output is fully countable (dvě trojice 'two groups of three', (54)) via [Lan89]-style group formation.
- Aggregate numerals (-oje/-ery, §3.2.2.2): dv-oje klíče 'two sets of keys' — select connected-entity nouns ((21)–(23)), and the output cannot be recounted (*tři dvoje klíče, (27)).
- Taxonomic numerals (-ojí/-ero, §3.2.2.3): dvojí víno 'two kinds of wine' — licensed in both episodic and non-episodic contexts, unlike bare-plural taxonomic readings ((40)).
- Restricted flexibility (§3.2.3): no grinding ((34)–(35)), conventional-only packaging ((8)), episodic-restricted sorting — the inverse of what flexibility-foundational theories predict (§3.3: against Borer's mass-to-count trajectory, since -í manufactures non-countables from countables; against single-source vagueness accounts, since listí's parts are non-vaguely atomic).
The formalization #
Their §3.5 extends [Kri95a]'s kind-based semantics with [Gri12] mereotopology ([CV99] connection axioms (56)–(59)). This file formalizes that extension:
ChainIn/IsCluster/IsMaxCluster— transitive connection (60), cluster individuals (61), maximal clusters (63), over an arbitrary connection relation (their proximate vs external varieties).isCluster_sup— joining clusters across a connection yields a cluster: the honest version of their cumulativity remark for -í nouns (sums of connected clusters, not arbitrary sums).maxClusters_disjointPred— distinct maximal clusters never overlap: the -oje counting base is disjoint, so aggregate counting is certified by exactly the disjointness that [Lan20]'s counting theorems require (Mereology.DisjointPred; cf.Studies/Landman2020.lean).ojeSem_determinate— the (64) semantics fixes the cardinality of maximal clusters uniquely: the formal content of *tři dvoje klíče ((27)) and *všechny dvoje ((26)) — an aggregate-numeral output has determinate cardinality that no outer numeral can re-specify.ojiSemandoji_needs_subkinds— the taxonomic numeral (50) is empty on kind-less arguments (proper names, (52b)).- The individuation-scale junction (third consumer of
Features/Individuation.lean): -í is a morphological descent of the scale (isuffix_descends), and the Czech countability map is monotone on it (czech_monotone), the [Gri18] order-preservation thesis in a language where the boundary is drawn by derivation rather than lexical class alone.
Cluster mereotopology (their §3.5.2) #
[CV99] connection: a reflexive, symmetric relation C
((56)–(57)); the varieties relevant to aggregates are external and
proximate connectedness. Clusters are sums of property-bearers pairwise
connected through the cluster ((60)–(61)); maximal clusters absorb
every overlapping cluster ((63)).
(60): connected through a chain of members of Z.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.ChainIn C Z = Relation.ReflTransGen fun (a b : α) => a ∈ Z ∧ b ∈ Z ∧ C a b
Instances For
(61): a cluster individual — the sum of a nonempty set of
P-entities, pairwise transitively connected through the set.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.IsCluster C P x = ∃ (Z : Finset α) (hZ : Z.Nonempty), (∀ z ∈ Z, P z) ∧ x = Z.sup' hZ id ∧ ∀ z ∈ Z, ∀ z' ∈ Z, GrimmDocekal2021.ChainIn C Z z z'
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(63): a maximal cluster absorbs every overlapping cluster.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.IsMaxCluster C ov P x = (GrimmDocekal2021.IsCluster C P x ∧ ∀ (y : α), GrimmDocekal2021.IsCluster C P y → ov y x → y ≤ x)
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Maximal clusters are pairwise disjoint (their remark after
(63)): two distinct maximal clusters cannot overlap — each would
absorb the other. This is what makes the -oje counting base a
disjoint set, the precondition the [Lan20] counting theorems
certify as sufficient for counting.
Joining two clusters connected at some pair of members yields a
cluster: the honest form of their cumulativity remark for -í
nouns — sums of connected clusters are clusters (arbitrary sums
are not, which is exactly why -oje counts maximal clusters).
Uses connection symmetry ((57)).
The aggregate numeral -oje (their (64)) #
(64): n-oje P holds of x iff the maximal P-clusters properly
below x number exactly n.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.ojeSem C ov n P x = ∃ (Y : Finset α), (∀ (z : α), z < x ∧ GrimmDocekal2021.IsMaxCluster C ov P z ↔ z ∈ Y) ∧ Y.card = n
Instances For
Aggregate-numeral cardinality is determinate: the witnessing set
of (64) is the set of maximal clusters below x, so its cardinality
is unique. This is the formal content of *tři dvoje klíče ((27))
and *všechny dvoje ((26)): the output of an aggregate numeral
cannot be re-specified by an outer cardinal — unlike the -ice
group numerals, whose [Lan89]-style group atoms are freely
recountable (dvě trojice, (54)).
The taxonomic numeral -ojí (their (50)) #
(50), extensionalized over a subkind relation T: n-ojí k holds
of a set of kinds all of which are subkinds of k, numbering n.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.ojiSem T n k X = ((∀ z ∈ X, T z k) ∧ X.card = n)
Instances For
Kind-less arguments defeat the taxonomic numeral ((52): #dvojí Petr Novák — proper names supply no subkinds).
The individuation-scale junction (their Table 3.1, §3.2.1) #
Third consumer of Features/Individuation.lean. The suffix -í maps
individuated roots to coherent-collection denotations — a morphological
descent of the scale ([Gri18]'s types) — and Czech's countability
boundary is monotone on the scale, with the twist that the
collective-aggregate region is populated derivationally.
A Table 3.1 row: root, derived aggregate, glosses.
- root : String
- rootGloss : String
- derived : String
- derivedGloss : String
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A sample of Table 3.1 (trees, plants, complex objects, nautical terms). Roots are countable individual nouns (their fn. 5: 21 of the 22 listed roots are purely countable; dřevo 'wood' is the ambiguous exception).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The scale position of -í inputs (countable individual roots) and
outputs (coherent collections — spatial proximity or functional
interdependence, their §3.2.1).
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-í descends the individuation scale: derivational morphology moves
a noun from the individual region into the collective-aggregate
region — the inverse of the mass-to-count trajectory
flexibility-foundational theories predict (their §3.3 against
Borer).
Czech grammatical countability (combination with simple cardinals, pluralization, mnozí): individuals are count (pes, (4)); substances (bláto, (5)), granulars (písek, (8b)), and derived aggregates (listí, (9)–(11)) are non-count.
- nonCount : CzechClass
- count : CzechClass
Instances For
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.instDecidableEqCzechClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.instReprCzechClass = { reprPrec := GrimmDocekal2021.instReprCzechClass.repr }
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The Czech countability map on the individuation scale.
Equations
- GrimmDocekal2021.czechClassify IndividuationType.substance = GrimmDocekal2021.CzechClass.nonCount
- GrimmDocekal2021.czechClassify IndividuationType.granularAggregate = GrimmDocekal2021.CzechClass.nonCount
- GrimmDocekal2021.czechClassify IndividuationType.collectiveAggregate = GrimmDocekal2021.CzechClass.nonCount
- GrimmDocekal2021.czechClassify IndividuationType.individualEntity = GrimmDocekal2021.CzechClass.count
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Czech draws its countability boundary monotonically on the
individuation scale — the [Gri18] order-preservation thesis,
holding in a language where the collective-aggregate region is
reached by derivation (-í) rather than only by lexical class.
The derivational route: -í carries a count root to a non-count
output — countability change without coercion, the data point
against derive-count-from-mass architectures (their §3.3).