Inertial modality for Italian non-finite belief/action readings #
[FS26] analyse the belief/action ambiguity of Italian non-finite complements (convincere a + INF, promettere di + INF) via inertial modality in the [Dow79] sense, recast as a Kratzer circumstantial-base + inertial-ordering pair.
Main declarations #
InertialParams: bundles a circumstantial modal base with an inertial ordering source.inertialNecessity,inertialPossibility:□/◇over the best-inertial-continuation worlds.inertial_duality: modal duality, delegated toKratzer.duality.empty_inertia_is_simple: with an empty ordering source, inertial necessity collapses to circumstantialsimpleNecessity.CausativeAttitude: the single denotation of convincere-type verbs (their ex. 24), withbeliefReading/intentionReadingthe two complement-size construals and the reading diagnostics.
Implementation notes #
[Dow79]: w' is an inertia world of w iff w' matches w up to the reference time and the course of events in w continues without interruption. In Kratzer's framework this is a circumstantial modal base paired with an ordering source whose propositions describe normal continuation.
Readings from complement size #
The paper's structural hypothesis: a single rational attitude semantics whose belief or intention construal is fixed by complement size. A phase-sized (CP) complement is existentially closed into a proposition and evaluated against doxastic content; a smaller complement leaves the event variable open and is evaluated against inertial continuation.
The two construals of a rational attitude verb: propositional belief, evaluated against doxastic content, or sub-propositional intention, evaluated against inertial continuation.
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- FuscoSgrizzi2026.instDecidableEqReading x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- FuscoSgrizzi2026.instReprReading = { reprPrec := FuscoSgrizzi2026.instReprReading.repr }
The construal determined by complement size: a phase-sized (CP) complement is read as belief, a smaller one as intention.
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- FuscoSgrizzi2026.readingFromSize cs = if cs.isPhaseSized = true then FuscoSgrizzi2026.Reading.belief else FuscoSgrizzi2026.Reading.intention
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Complement size determines the construal, with the CP phase boundary as the threshold.
The Italian di/a alternation #
The paper's core data: di-infinitives are CP-sized (their ex. 22
places a-infinitives at aP, mapped here to the nearest available
ComplementSize below the CP threshold), so the di/a choice
deterministically fixes the reading of convincere-type verbs. The
lexical entries live in Fragments/Italian/Predicates.lean.
The complement size selected by each Italian infinitival complementizer.
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The reading derived from each complementizer.
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di-infinitives yield belief readings.
a-infinitives yield intention readings.
convincere supports both readings, one per complementizer.
credere supports only the belief reading.
The di/a alternation in convincere is structurally grounded: the two complementizers select different complement sizes, which deterministically map to different readings.
Inertial modal parameters: circumstantial base + inertial ordering.
- circumstances : Modality.Kratzer.ModalBase W
Circumstantial modal base: facts holding at the evaluation world.
- inertia : Modality.Kratzer.OrderingSource W
Inertial ordering: propositions describing normal continuation.
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Extract Kratzer parameters from inertial parameters.
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- p.toKratzer = { base := p.circumstances, ordering := p.inertia }
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Inertial necessity: p holds in all best (most inertial) circumstantially
accessible worlds. For intention readings: in all worlds where the
experiencer's current course of action continues uninterrupted, the
intended event obtains.
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- FuscoSgrizzi2026.inertialNecessity p prop w = Modality.Kratzer.necessity p.circumstances p.inertia prop w
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Inertial possibility: p holds in some best circumstantially accessible
world.
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- FuscoSgrizzi2026.inertialPossibility p prop w = Modality.Kratzer.possibility p.circumstances p.inertia prop w
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Inertial modality satisfies modal duality: □p ↔ ¬◇¬p.
With empty inertial ordering, inertial modality reduces to simple circumstantial necessity (no preference among accessible worlds).
Inertial modality maps to the circumstantial flavor tag. Both inertial and teleological modality concern what happens given the facts — they differ only in ordering source, not modal base.
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The single denotation of convincere (ex. 24) #
⟦convincere⟧ = λP.λx.λy.λe. ∃e'. Convince(e) ∧ Agent(e,y) ∧ Patient(e,x) ∧ CAUSE(e,e') ∧ RATIONAL-ATTITUDE(e') ∧ Experiencer(x,e') ∧ P(e'). The parameter P is supplied by the complement: a di-infinitive (CP) is existentially closed, yielding the belief reading; an a-infinitive (aP) leaves the event variable open, yielding the intention reading. The belief/intention split is compositional — one verb, two complement sizes.
A causative attitude verb: the agent causes the experiencer to enter a rational attitude state whose content is the complement predicate.
The verb's descriptive predicate (Convince).
- agent : E
The agent of the matrix event.
- experiencer : E
The patient of the matrix event and experiencer of the attitude.
Agent thematic role.
Patient thematic role.
Experiencer thematic role, on the attitude event.
The matrix event causally brings about the attitude state.
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The verb applied to a complement predicate P: some matrix event
causes a stative rational-attitude event satisfying P.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Belief reading: the CP complement is existentially closed into a proposition, evaluated against doxastic content.
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- v.beliefReading embeddedVP = v.denote fun (x : Event Time) => ∃ (e : Event Time), embeddedVP e
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Intention reading: the sub-CP complement is applied directly as an event predicate, evaluated against inertial continuation.
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- v.intentionReading embeddedVP = v.denote embeddedVP
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The paper's central claim (ex. 24): both readings are the one
denote applied to different complement predicates — the
belief/intention split is compositional, not lexical.
Reading diagnostics #
The paper's empirical differentiators of the two construals: belief readings are truth-assessable and host modal auxiliaries; intention readings are obligatorily future-oriented and object-control.
"It's true/false" can felicitously evaluate a belief but not an intention.
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CP complements host modal auxiliary heads; sub-CP complements lack the structural space.
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The intended event is projected into inertia worlds, so intention readings are obligatorily future-oriented.
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The experiencer must be the agent of the intended event, so intention readings are obligatorily object-control.
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Connection to Grano 2024: size → reading → mood #
[Gra24]'s hybrid-predicate analysis (his §6.2) and this paper's
complement-size analysis make the same prediction: the complement's
structural size determines whether the reading is intentional
(requiring eventuality abstraction, hence subjunctive) or
propositional (existentially closed, hence indicative-compatible).
readingFromSize composed with readingToDeparture and
Grano2024.DepartureKind.moodPrediction gives the end-to-end chain
complement size → reading → departure kind → mood prediction.
Map a reading to a [Gra24] departure kind: intention readings require eventuality abstraction; belief readings are the default clausal semantics, no departure.
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Intention readings predict robust subjunctive selection.
Belief readings predict no departure (default indicative).
End-to-end: sub-CP complement → intention → eventuality abstraction → robust subjunctive selection.
End-to-end: CP complement → belief → no departure.