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Linglib.Studies.Dowty1991

[Dow91] Thematic Proto-Roles and Argument Selection #

Study file connecting the proto-role theory (Semantics/ArgumentStructure/EntailmentProfile.lean and the Levin-class role-list map, Semantics/ArgumentStructure/LevinClass.lean) to argument selection phenomena. The paper's explicit per-argument entailment attributions are typed data rows in Data/ProtoRoles/Dowty1991.json (generated module Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991), checked against the class templates in the final section — including the divergences the templates do NOT encode (build-object stationary, break-object incremental themehood, the eat-object dependent-existence tension).

Dowty's original flat-counting ASP #

[Dow91]'s Argument Selection Principle uses flat counting: the argument with the greatest number of Proto-Agent entailments is subject. The library's default ASP uses lattice comparison ([Gri11], [DK00b]), which handles priority and fixes anomalies like arrive. This study file preserves Dowty's original counting-based predictions to document where they succeed and where they diverge from the modern approach.

Key predictions formalized #

[Dow91]'s original single-argument ASP (flat counting): an argument selects for subjecthood iff its P-Agent count exceeds its P-Patient count. Superseded by lattice-based OutranksForSubject in EntailmentProfile.lean.

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    [Dow91]'s between-argument comparison (flat counting): arg1 outranks arg2 for subjecthood iff arg1 has strictly more P-Agent entailments, OR they tie on P-Agent but arg2 has strictly more P-Patient entailments.

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      Corollary 1 (flat counting): neither argument outranks the other → alternation.

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        [Dow91] Corollary 2 (flat counting): unaccusative iff pPatient > pAgent.

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          Complement: unergative iff pAgent > pPatient.

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            Verbs like kiss, embrace, marry denote actions requiring volitional involvement of two parties, but only the SUBJECT is entailed to be volitional. This single asymmetric P-Agent entailment predicts the transitive argument configuration.

            "kiss" subject: V+M+IE — volitional, in motion, independently existing.

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              "kiss" object: M+IE only — same minus volition.

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                The subject outranks the object (lattice: {V,M,IE} ⊃ {M,IE}).

                Volition adds exactly 1 to the subject's P-Agent score.

                The collective intransitive ("Kim and Sandy kissed") is predicted: when both participants have symmetric volition, neither outranks.

                Psych verbs come in doublets (like/please, fear/frighten) with reversed argument configurations. Under the stative reading, Experiencer and Stimulus have equal P-Agent scores → alternation is predicted.

                Stative: Experiencer and Stimulus have incomparable P-Agent sets ({S,IE} ⊥ {C,IE}) and equal P-Patient (both 0) → alternation.

                Under inchoative interpretation, the Experiencer enters a new mental state → gains changeOfState (P-Patient entailment a).

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                  Inchoative breaks the tie: Stimulus outranks Experiencer for subject because the Experiencer now has more P-Patient → Experiencer is a "better" object → Stimulus is subject. Predicts StimExp frame.

                  [Dow91] identifies three classes based on CoS distribution across non-subject arguments. When CoS is symmetric (both or neither), alternation is possible. When asymmetric, the CoS argument is fixed as DO. The comparison with [Lev93]'s alternation judgments lives in Studies/Levin1993.lean (dowty_* theorems).

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                            • Dowty1991.hitArg1 = { independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true, stationary := true }
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                              • Dowty1991.hitArg2 = { movement := true, independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true }
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                                [Dow91] Table 1: the interaction of agentivity (most salient P-Agent property) and telicity (most salient P-Patient property) predicts the unergative/unaccusative split. Only the two "pure" cells are stable; the mixed cells are where cross-linguistic variation occurs.

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                                    The key divergence between [Dow91]'s flat counting and the modern priority-based ASP. Flat counting gets arrive wrong because it counts movement + IE (2 P-Agent) > changeOfState (1 P-Patient), predicting unergative. The modern ASP correctly identifies arrive as unaccusative because it lacks the priority features (volition, causation).

                                    Flat counting predicts arrive is NOT unaccusative (2 P-Ag > 1 P-Pat).

                                    These theorems verify that the English Fragment verb entries store exactly the Levin-class role-list profiles of RoleList.lean — the stored fields are derivable from the class map (sweep_instr is the deliberate instrument-sense override).

                                    The paper's explicit per-argument attributions (generated rows in Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991, one per stated entailment, with locators) checked against the class-template profiles. Positive checks confirm the templates encode what Dowty states; the divergence theorems record what they deliberately do NOT encode.

                                    Every entailment a data row explicitly attributes agrees with profile p; fields the paper is silent or hedged about are unconstrained.

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                                      The hit-class attributions ((64 III), §9.3.3): the direct object is non-moving, unchanged, and a non-incremental-theme — exactly consistent with the mannerContact/wipeManner contacted object (CA+St, no CoS) and with this file's §3 hit-class argument profiles.

                                      The (29)/(30) single-entailment exemplars land in the right templates: see (29b) in the perception subject, need (29e) in the desire subject, need's de dicto object (30e) in the desire object.

                                      The split of the former single state-subject profile is Dowty's own: admire-class experiencers are sentience-entailed ((38): like), so psychState fits them; want-class subjects are NOT ((29e)/p. 573: need entails subject existence "but none of (a)-(d)"), so the sentient profile mis-states them — desire fits instead.

                                      The (38) doublet tie: the experiencer ({S,IE}) and stimulus ({C,IE}) profiles are Proto-Agent-incomparable with no Proto-Patient difference, so neither outranks — Corollary 1 predicts both lexicalizations (like/please). The stated stimulus attributions (causation, no sentience) hold of the template's stimulus object.

                                      Croft's inchoative restriction (p. 580): under the inchoative reading the experiencer gains a change of state — the stated attribution matches this file's §2 inchoative experiencer profile, which the stimulus then outranks for subject.

                                      §3.2: buyer and seller are both attributed volition and nothing distinguishes them ("nor are they different in any proto-role entailments", §8.3 p. 579) — the class map gives give-class and obtain-class subjects one shared profile, and Corollary 1 licenses the doublet: a profile never outranks itself.

                                      theorem Dowty1991.build_object_stationary_divergence :
                                      matchesProfile Rows.buildObject ArgumentStructure.creationObject = false matchesProfile Rows.buildObject (have __src := ArgumentStructure.creationObject; { volition := __src.volition, sentience := __src.sentience, causation := __src.causation, movement := __src.movement, independentExistence := __src.independentExistence, changeOfState := __src.changeOfState, incrementalTheme := __src.incrementalTheme, causallyAffected := __src.causallyAffected, stationary := true, dependentExistence := __src.dependentExistence }) = true

                                      Build-object stationary divergence: "all of 28" (pp. 572–573) includes (28d) stationary, but the creation template object (CoS+IT+CA+DE) deliberately omits St — the row disagrees with the template on exactly that field. Recorded as data, not flipped: the class-level template follows the (35)/p. 577 hedge ("(mostly) ... stationary"), which does not commit every creation object to (28d).

                                      theorem Dowty1991.break_object_it_divergence :
                                      matchesProfile Rows.breakObject ArgumentStructure.accomplishmentObjectProfile = false matchesProfile Rows.breakObject (have __src := ArgumentStructure.accomplishmentObjectProfile; { volition := __src.volition, sentience := __src.sentience, causation := __src.causation, movement := __src.movement, independentExistence := __src.independentExistence, changeOfState := __src.changeOfState, incrementalTheme := true, causallyAffected := __src.causallyAffected, stationary := __src.stationary, dependentExistence := __src.dependentExistence }) = true

                                      Break-object incremental-themehood divergence: (64 II) attributes "change of state (and Incremental Themehood)" to the break-class direct object, but the resultChange/accomplishment object template carries no IT (per-verb addition by design). The row disagrees with the template on exactly that field.

                                      Eat-object dependent-existence tension: (30e)(i) counts destruction — the argument "will not exist after the event" — as dependent existence, which would put DE on eat's object; the paper never states this for eat (the (35) hedge leaves DE open), and the consumption template omits DE because the Grimm bridge disambiguation is load-bearing: adding DE to an incremental theme flips PersistenceLevel.fromPatientProfile from exPersBeginning (consumption) to exPersEnd (creation), misclassifying eat as a creation verb. Recorded, not flipped.

                                      The spray/load rows ((64 I), p. 594): both nonsubject arguments are attributed a change of state, matching this file's §3 profiles.