[Dow91] Thematic Proto-Roles and Argument Selection #
Study file connecting the proto-role theory
(Semantics/ArgumentStructure/EntailmentProfile.lean and the Levin-class
template map, Semantics/Lexical/LevinClassProfiles.lean) to argument
selection phenomena. The paper's explicit per-argument entailment
attributions are typed data rows in Data/ProtoRoles/Dowty1991.json
(generated module Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991), checked against the class
templates in the final section — including the divergences the templates do
NOT encode (build-object stationary, break-object incremental themehood,
the eat-object dependent-existence tension).
Dowty's original flat-counting ASP #
[Dow91]'s Argument Selection Principle uses flat counting: the argument
with the greatest number of Proto-Agent entailments is subject. The library's
default ASP uses lattice comparison ([Gri11], [davis-koenig-2000]),
which handles priority and fixes anomalies like arrive. This study file
preserves Dowty's original counting-based predictions to document where they
succeed and where they diverge from the modern approach.
Key predictions formalized #
- §9.1: Partially symmetric interactive predicates — volition as asymmetric P-Agent
- §9.2: Psych verb doublets — inchoative change-of-state breaks ties
- §9.3: Three verb classes (spray/load, break, hit) — CoS symmetry predicts alternation
- §12: Agentivity × telicity → unaccusativity (Table 1)
[Dow91]'s original single-argument ASP (flat counting):
an argument selects for subjecthood iff its P-Agent count exceeds
its P-Patient count. Superseded by lattice-based OutranksForSubject
in EntailmentProfile.lean.
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatSelectsSubject p = decide (p.pAgentScore > p.pPatientScore)
Instances For
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatSelectsObject p = decide (p.pPatientScore > p.pAgentScore)
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[Dow91]'s between-argument comparison (flat counting): arg1 outranks arg2 for subjecthood iff arg1 has strictly more P-Agent entailments, OR they tie on P-Agent but arg2 has strictly more P-Patient entailments.
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatOutranksForSubject arg1 arg2 = (decide (arg1.pAgentScore > arg2.pAgentScore) || arg1.pAgentScore == arg2.pAgentScore && decide (arg2.pPatientScore > arg1.pPatientScore))
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Corollary 1 (flat counting): neither argument outranks the other → alternation.
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatAllowsAlternation arg1 arg2 = (!Dowty1991.flatOutranksForSubject arg1 arg2 && !Dowty1991.flatOutranksForSubject arg2 arg1)
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[Dow91] Corollary 2 (flat counting): unaccusative iff pPatient > pAgent.
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatPredictsUnaccusative p = decide (p.pPatientScore > p.pAgentScore)
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Complement: unergative iff pAgent > pPatient.
Equations
- Dowty1991.flatPredictsUnergative p = decide (p.pAgentScore > p.pPatientScore)
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Verbs like kiss, embrace, marry denote actions requiring volitional involvement of two parties, but only the SUBJECT is entailed to be volitional. This single asymmetric P-Agent entailment predicts the transitive argument configuration.
"kiss" subject: V+M+IE — volitional, in motion, independently existing.
Equations
- Dowty1991.kissSubjectProfile = { volition := true, movement := true, independentExistence := true }
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"kiss" object: M+IE only — same minus volition.
Equations
- Dowty1991.kissObjectProfile = { movement := true, independentExistence := true }
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The subject outranks the object (lattice: {V,M,IE} ⊃ {M,IE}).
Same result under Dowty's flat counting.
Volition adds exactly 1 to the subject's P-Agent score.
The collective intransitive ("Kim and Sandy kissed") is predicted: when both participants have symmetric volition, neither outranks.
Psych verbs come in doublets (like/please, fear/frighten) with reversed argument configurations. Under the stative reading, Experiencer and Stimulus have equal P-Agent scores → alternation is predicted.
Stative: Experiencer and Stimulus have incomparable P-Agent sets ({S,IE} ⊥ {C,IE}) and equal P-Patient (both 0) → alternation.
Under inchoative interpretation, the Experiencer enters a new mental state → gains changeOfState (P-Patient entailment a).
Equations
- Dowty1991.expInchoativeProfile = { sentience := true, independentExistence := true, changeOfState := true }
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Inchoative breaks the tie: Stimulus outranks Experiencer for subject because the Experiencer now has more P-Patient → Experiencer is a "better" object → Stimulus is subject. Predicts StimExp frame.
[Dow91] identifies three classes based on CoS distribution
across non-subject arguments. When CoS is symmetric (both or neither),
alternation is possible. When asymmetric, the CoS argument is fixed as DO.
The comparison with [Lev93]'s alternation judgments lives in
Studies/Levin1993.lean (dowty_* theorems).
Equations
- Dowty1991.cosSymmetric arg1 arg2 = (arg1.changeOfState == arg2.changeOfState)
Instances For
Equations
- Dowty1991.sprayLoadTheme = { independentExistence := true, changeOfState := true, causallyAffected := true }
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Equations
- Dowty1991.sprayLoadLocation = { independentExistence := true, changeOfState := true, causallyAffected := true, stationary := true }
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Equations
- Dowty1991.breakDirectObject = { changeOfState := true, incrementalTheme := true, causallyAffected := true, stationary := true }
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Equations
- Dowty1991.breakInstrument = { movement := true, independentExistence := true }
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Equations
- Dowty1991.hitArg1 = { independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true, stationary := true }
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Equations
- Dowty1991.hitArg2 = { movement := true, independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true }
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[Dow91] Table 1: the interaction of agentivity (most salient P-Agent property) and telicity (most salient P-Patient property) predicts the unergative/unaccusative split. Only the two "pure" cells are stable; the mixed cells are where cross-linguistic variation occurs.
- unergative : IntransClass
- unaccusative : IntransClass
- unstable : IntransClass
Instances For
Equations
- Dowty1991.instDecidableEqIntransClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Dowty1991.instReprIntransClass = { reprPrec := Dowty1991.instReprIntransClass.repr }
Equations
- Dowty1991.table1 true false = Dowty1991.IntransClass.unergative
- Dowty1991.table1 false true = Dowty1991.IntransClass.unaccusative
- Dowty1991.table1 agentive telic = Dowty1991.IntransClass.unstable
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The key divergence between [Dow91]'s flat counting and the modern priority-based ASP. Flat counting gets arrive wrong because it counts movement + IE (2 P-Agent) > changeOfState (1 P-Patient), predicting unergative. The modern ASP correctly identifies arrive as unaccusative because it lacks the priority features (volition, causation).
Flat counting predicts arrive is NOT unaccusative (2 P-Ag > 1 P-Pat).
Modern priority-based ASP correctly predicts arrive IS unaccusative.
Table 1 also correctly predicts arrive as unaccusative (non-agentive + telic = cell 4).
Agreement: Table 1 and the modern ASP converge on arrive being unaccusative. Flat counting diverges — this is the anomaly that motivated [davis-koenig-2000]'s priority refinement.
Flat counting gets die right (both methods agree).
Flat counting gets run right (both methods agree).
These theorems verify that the English Fragment verb entries store
exactly the Levin-class template profiles of LevinClassProfiles.lean —
the stored fields are derivable from the class map (sweep_instr is the
deliberate instrument-sense override).
The stored fragment profiles coincide with the Levin-class fallback —
effectiveSubjectEntailments/effectiveObjectEntailments would be
unchanged without them. sweep_instr is the deliberate exception: its
instrument sense overrides the wipe-class (manner-subclass) default.
Agreement: arrive prediction matches the fragment annotation.
Agreement: run prediction matches the fragment annotation.
[Gri11]'s agentivity lattice reformulates Dowty's proto-roles with lattice structure and connects them to case assignment. Here we verify that Grimm's lattice predictions are consistent with the ASP predictions above, and that it also resolves the arrive anomaly.
Grimm's lattice handles the arrive anomaly: arrive's subject has motion but not instigation → not in the NOM/ERG region. Consistent with the priority-based ASP and Table 1, but not flat counting.
Full cross-theory convergence on arrive: Table 1, modern ASP, and [Gri11]'s lattice all predict unaccusative/non-agent. Only flat counting diverges.
Kick: ASP outranking and [Gri11]'s subject region converge —
subject → NOM in an accusative system. The object, under the corrected
surface-contact profile (no entailed change; [Dow91] never
discusses kick), falls in Grimm's oblique region (INST), outside
canonical ACC — see Grimm2011.kick_object_persistence for the
Grimm-vs-Beavers divergence on contact-verb objects.
Die: ASP, flat counting, and [Gri11] all agree on unaccusative. Grimm's lattice maps the sole argument to ACC/ABS (patient region).
Kiss on [Gri11]'s Fig. 1 lattice: the object's agentivity node {motion} sits strictly below the subject's {volition, motion} — the §1 asymmetry restated as strict lattice dominance.
Corollary: the flat-count direction follows from lattice dominance via
featureCount_monotone and pAgentScore_decomposition — Dowty's
counting comparison (kiss_asymmetry_is_volition) is demoted to a
consequence of Grimm's order.
The paper's explicit per-argument attributions (generated rows in
Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991, one per stated entailment, with locators)
checked against the class-template profiles. Positive checks confirm the
templates encode what Dowty states; the divergence theorems record what
they deliberately do NOT encode.
Every entailment a data row explicitly attributes agrees with profile
p; fields the paper is silent or hedged about are unconstrained.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The (35) primary transitive verbs: each stated subject attribution (V+S+C+M, no P-Patient, p. 577) holds of the accomplishment template subject, and each stated object attribution (CoS+CA) holds of the accomplishment/creation/consumption objects.
The hit-class attributions ((64 III), §9.3.3): the direct object is
non-moving, unchanged, and a non-incremental-theme — exactly consistent
with the mannerContact/wipeManner contacted object (CA+St, no CoS)
and with this file's §3 hit-class argument profiles.
The (29)/(30) single-entailment exemplars land in the right templates: see (29b) in the perception subject, need (29e) in the desire subject, need's de dicto object (30e) in the desire object.
The split of the former single state-subject profile is Dowty's own:
admire-class experiencers are sentience-entailed ((38): like), so
psychState fits them; want-class subjects are NOT ((29e)/p. 573:
need entails subject existence "but none of (a)-(d)"), so the
sentient profile mis-states them — desire fits instead.
The (38) doublet tie: the experiencer ({S,IE}) and stimulus ({C,IE}) profiles are Proto-Agent-incomparable with no Proto-Patient difference, so neither outranks — Corollary 1 predicts both lexicalizations (like/please). The stated stimulus attributions (causation, no sentience) hold of the template's stimulus object.
Croft's inchoative restriction (p. 580): under the inchoative reading the experiencer gains a change of state — the stated attribution matches this file's §2 inchoative experiencer profile, which the stimulus then outranks for subject.
§3.2: buyer and seller are both attributed volition and nothing distinguishes them ("nor are they different in any proto-role entailments", §8.3 p. 579) — the class map gives give-class and obtain-class subjects one shared profile, and Corollary 1 licenses the doublet: a profile never outranks itself.
Build-object stationary divergence: "all of 28" (pp. 572–573) includes
(28d) stationary, but the creation template object (CoS+IT+CA+DE)
deliberately omits St — the row disagrees with the template on exactly
that field. Recorded as data, not flipped: the class-level template
follows the (35)/p. 577 hedge ("(mostly) ... stationary"), which does
not commit every creation object to (28d).
Break-object incremental-themehood divergence: (64 II) attributes
"change of state (and Incremental Themehood)" to the break-class direct
object, but the resultChange/accomplishment object template carries no
IT (per-verb addition by design). The row disagrees with the template on
exactly that field.
Eat-object dependent-existence tension: (30e)(i) counts destruction —
the argument "will not exist after the event" — as dependent existence,
which would put DE on eat's object; the paper never states this for
eat (the (35) hedge leaves DE open), and the consumption template
omits DE because the Grimm bridge disambiguation is load-bearing:
adding DE to an incremental theme flips
PersistenceLevel.fromPatientProfile from exPersBeginning
(consumption) to exPersEnd (creation), misclassifying eat as a
creation verb. Recorded, not flipped.
The spray/load rows ((64 I), p. 594): both nonsubject arguments are attributed a change of state, matching this file's §3 profiles.