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Linglib.Studies.Dowty1991

[Dow91] Thematic Proto-Roles and Argument Selection #

Study file connecting the proto-role theory (Semantics/ArgumentStructure/EntailmentProfile.lean and the Levin-class template map, Semantics/Lexical/LevinClassProfiles.lean) to argument selection phenomena. The paper's explicit per-argument entailment attributions are typed data rows in Data/ProtoRoles/Dowty1991.json (generated module Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991), checked against the class templates in the final section — including the divergences the templates do NOT encode (build-object stationary, break-object incremental themehood, the eat-object dependent-existence tension).

Dowty's original flat-counting ASP #

[Dow91]'s Argument Selection Principle uses flat counting: the argument with the greatest number of Proto-Agent entailments is subject. The library's default ASP uses lattice comparison ([Gri11], [davis-koenig-2000]), which handles priority and fixes anomalies like arrive. This study file preserves Dowty's original counting-based predictions to document where they succeed and where they diverge from the modern approach.

Key predictions formalized #

[Dow91]'s original single-argument ASP (flat counting): an argument selects for subjecthood iff its P-Agent count exceeds its P-Patient count. Superseded by lattice-based OutranksForSubject in EntailmentProfile.lean.

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    [Dow91]'s between-argument comparison (flat counting): arg1 outranks arg2 for subjecthood iff arg1 has strictly more P-Agent entailments, OR they tie on P-Agent but arg2 has strictly more P-Patient entailments.

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      Corollary 1 (flat counting): neither argument outranks the other → alternation.

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        [Dow91] Corollary 2 (flat counting): unaccusative iff pPatient > pAgent.

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          Complement: unergative iff pAgent > pPatient.

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            Verbs like kiss, embrace, marry denote actions requiring volitional involvement of two parties, but only the SUBJECT is entailed to be volitional. This single asymmetric P-Agent entailment predicts the transitive argument configuration.

            "kiss" subject: V+M+IE — volitional, in motion, independently existing.

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              "kiss" object: M+IE only — same minus volition.

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                The subject outranks the object (lattice: {V,M,IE} ⊃ {M,IE}).

                Volition adds exactly 1 to the subject's P-Agent score.

                The collective intransitive ("Kim and Sandy kissed") is predicted: when both participants have symmetric volition, neither outranks.

                Psych verbs come in doublets (like/please, fear/frighten) with reversed argument configurations. Under the stative reading, Experiencer and Stimulus have equal P-Agent scores → alternation is predicted.

                Stative: Experiencer and Stimulus have incomparable P-Agent sets ({S,IE} ⊥ {C,IE}) and equal P-Patient (both 0) → alternation.

                Under inchoative interpretation, the Experiencer enters a new mental state → gains changeOfState (P-Patient entailment a).

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                  Inchoative breaks the tie: Stimulus outranks Experiencer for subject because the Experiencer now has more P-Patient → Experiencer is a "better" object → Stimulus is subject. Predicts StimExp frame.

                  [Dow91] identifies three classes based on CoS distribution across non-subject arguments. When CoS is symmetric (both or neither), alternation is possible. When asymmetric, the CoS argument is fixed as DO. The comparison with [Lev93]'s alternation judgments lives in Studies/Levin1993.lean (dowty_* theorems).

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                            • Dowty1991.hitArg1 = { independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true, stationary := true }
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                              • Dowty1991.hitArg2 = { movement := true, independentExistence := true, causallyAffected := true }
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                                [Dow91] Table 1: the interaction of agentivity (most salient P-Agent property) and telicity (most salient P-Patient property) predicts the unergative/unaccusative split. Only the two "pure" cells are stable; the mixed cells are where cross-linguistic variation occurs.

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                                    The key divergence between [Dow91]'s flat counting and the modern priority-based ASP. Flat counting gets arrive wrong because it counts movement + IE (2 P-Agent) > changeOfState (1 P-Patient), predicting unergative. The modern ASP correctly identifies arrive as unaccusative because it lacks the priority features (volition, causation).

                                    Flat counting predicts arrive is NOT unaccusative (2 P-Ag > 1 P-Pat).

                                    Modern priority-based ASP correctly predicts arrive IS unaccusative.

                                    These theorems verify that the English Fragment verb entries store exactly the Levin-class template profiles of LevinClassProfiles.lean — the stored fields are derivable from the class map (sweep_instr is the deliberate instrument-sense override).

                                    [Gri11]'s agentivity lattice reformulates Dowty's proto-roles with lattice structure and connects them to case assignment. Here we verify that Grimm's lattice predictions are consistent with the ASP predictions above, and that it also resolves the arrive anomaly.

                                    Grimm's lattice handles the arrive anomaly: arrive's subject has motion but not instigation → not in the NOM/ERG region. Consistent with the priority-based ASP and Table 1, but not flat counting.

                                    Kick: ASP outranking and [Gri11]'s subject region converge — subject → NOM in an accusative system. The object, under the corrected surface-contact profile (no entailed change; [Dow91] never discusses kick), falls in Grimm's oblique region (INST), outside canonical ACC — see Grimm2011.kick_object_persistence for the Grimm-vs-Beavers divergence on contact-verb objects.

                                    Kiss on [Gri11]'s Fig. 1 lattice: the object's agentivity node {motion} sits strictly below the subject's {volition, motion} — the §1 asymmetry restated as strict lattice dominance.

                                    Corollary: the flat-count direction follows from lattice dominance via featureCount_monotone and pAgentScore_decomposition — Dowty's counting comparison (kiss_asymmetry_is_volition) is demoted to a consequence of Grimm's order.

                                    The paper's explicit per-argument attributions (generated rows in Data.ProtoRoles.Dowty1991, one per stated entailment, with locators) checked against the class-template profiles. Positive checks confirm the templates encode what Dowty states; the divergence theorems record what they deliberately do NOT encode.

                                    Every entailment a data row explicitly attributes agrees with profile p; fields the paper is silent or hedged about are unconstrained.

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                                      The hit-class attributions ((64 III), §9.3.3): the direct object is non-moving, unchanged, and a non-incremental-theme — exactly consistent with the mannerContact/wipeManner contacted object (CA+St, no CoS) and with this file's §3 hit-class argument profiles.

                                      The (29)/(30) single-entailment exemplars land in the right templates: see (29b) in the perception subject, need (29e) in the desire subject, need's de dicto object (30e) in the desire object.

                                      The split of the former single state-subject profile is Dowty's own: admire-class experiencers are sentience-entailed ((38): like), so psychState fits them; want-class subjects are NOT ((29e)/p. 573: need entails subject existence "but none of (a)-(d)"), so the sentient profile mis-states them — desire fits instead.

                                      The (38) doublet tie: the experiencer ({S,IE}) and stimulus ({C,IE}) profiles are Proto-Agent-incomparable with no Proto-Patient difference, so neither outranks — Corollary 1 predicts both lexicalizations (like/please). The stated stimulus attributions (causation, no sentience) hold of the template's stimulus object.

                                      Croft's inchoative restriction (p. 580): under the inchoative reading the experiencer gains a change of state — the stated attribution matches this file's §2 inchoative experiencer profile, which the stimulus then outranks for subject.

                                      §3.2: buyer and seller are both attributed volition and nothing distinguishes them ("nor are they different in any proto-role entailments", §8.3 p. 579) — the class map gives give-class and obtain-class subjects one shared profile, and Corollary 1 licenses the doublet: a profile never outranks itself.

                                      theorem Dowty1991.build_object_stationary_divergence :
                                      matchesProfile Rows.buildObject Features.LevinClassProfiles.creationObject = false matchesProfile Rows.buildObject (have __src := Features.LevinClassProfiles.creationObject; { volition := __src.volition, sentience := __src.sentience, causation := __src.causation, movement := __src.movement, independentExistence := __src.independentExistence, changeOfState := __src.changeOfState, incrementalTheme := __src.incrementalTheme, causallyAffected := __src.causallyAffected, stationary := true, dependentExistence := __src.dependentExistence }) = true

                                      Build-object stationary divergence: "all of 28" (pp. 572–573) includes (28d) stationary, but the creation template object (CoS+IT+CA+DE) deliberately omits St — the row disagrees with the template on exactly that field. Recorded as data, not flipped: the class-level template follows the (35)/p. 577 hedge ("(mostly) ... stationary"), which does not commit every creation object to (28d).

                                      theorem Dowty1991.break_object_it_divergence :
                                      matchesProfile Rows.breakObject ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile.accomplishmentObjectProfile = false matchesProfile Rows.breakObject (have __src := ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile.accomplishmentObjectProfile; { volition := __src.volition, sentience := __src.sentience, causation := __src.causation, movement := __src.movement, independentExistence := __src.independentExistence, changeOfState := __src.changeOfState, incrementalTheme := true, causallyAffected := __src.causallyAffected, stationary := __src.stationary, dependentExistence := __src.dependentExistence }) = true

                                      Break-object incremental-themehood divergence: (64 II) attributes "change of state (and Incremental Themehood)" to the break-class direct object, but the resultChange/accomplishment object template carries no IT (per-verb addition by design). The row disagrees with the template on exactly that field.

                                      Eat-object dependent-existence tension: (30e)(i) counts destruction — the argument "will not exist after the event" — as dependent existence, which would put DE on eat's object; the paper never states this for eat (the (35) hedge leaves DE open), and the consumption template omits DE because the Grimm bridge disambiguation is load-bearing: adding DE to an incremental theme flips PersistenceLevel.fromPatientProfile from exPersBeginning (consumption) to exPersEnd (creation), misclassifying eat as a creation verb. Recorded, not flipped.

                                      The spray/load rows ((64 I), p. 594): both nonsubject arguments are attributed a change of state, matching this file's §3 profiles.