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Linglib.Studies.Cresswell1976

Cresswell (1976): The Semantics of Degree #

[Cre76]

Degrees of comparison in a λ-categorial possible-worlds semantics: a degree is a scale-tagged point ⟨u, >⟩ (2.1), er than (2.3) compares degrees only on a shared scale (so (23) taller man than … clever man is anomalous — the same-scale restriction [Bal08]'s universal scale later removes), the equative as as (2.7) is weak with exactly forcing =, and §4 grounds the degree ontology by constructing degrees from comparison relations: φ-equivalence classes (4.1) with the induced comparison well-defined (4.2). The construction is Degree.cresswellSetoid/Degree.CresswellDegree in Semantics/Degree/Hom.lean; this file checks the paper's claims on its own examples.

Formalized here: the (4.1)–(4.2) construction on the Arabella/Clarissa beauty example (62), the same-scale comparative (18) Bill is a taller man than Ophidia is a long snake (heights and lengths share the spatial-distance scale), the weak equative, and footnote 10's disjunctive than-clause universality (taller than Arabella or Clarissa = taller than both), derived from Degree.maxComparative.

§4: degrees constructed from comparisons (62) #

Individuals of the beauty example (62)–(63).

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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    def Cresswell1976.instReprPerson.repr :
    PersonStd.Format
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      @[implicit_reducible]
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      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

      Bill and Tom are φ-indistinguishable, so they determine the same degree of beauty — (4.1)'s equivalence collapses ties.

      §2: same-scale comparison (18) and the equative (2.7) #

      Heights and lengths in the shared spatial-distance scale (ℚ): (2.2)'s point that tall and long "both involve the same scale" is what licenses (18).

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        theorem Cresswell1976.er_than_single_scale (a b : Person) :
        (∃ (u₁ : ) (u₂ : ), u₁ = extent a u₂ = extent b u₂ < u₁) Degree.comparativeSem extent a b Core.Order.ScalePolarity.positive

        (18) Bill is a taller man than Ophidia is a long snake, in the single-scale regime: the comparative reduces to comparativeSem on the shared measure ((2.3) with unique degree witnesses).

        (2.7): as as is the weak equative — "either u₁ > u₂ or u₁ = u₂" — i.e. equativeSem; exactly (u₁ = u₂) is equativeStrengthened.

        Footnote 10: disjunctive than-clauses are universal #

        theorem Cresswell1976.taller_than_disjunction_iff (x y z : Person) :
        Degree.maxComparative (fun (x_1 : Person) => x_1 = x) (fun (w : Person) => w = y w = z) extent extent y < extent x extent z < extent x

        Bill is taller than Arabella or Clarissa entails taller than both ((iii)–(v)): the than-clause maximum over a disjunctive predicate is the max of the two degrees, so the max-quantified comparative decomposes into the conjunction.