Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Corbett2000

Corbett (2000) — Number #

[Cor00]

Formalizes the core typological framework from:

Corbett, G. G. (2000). Number. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge University Press.

Core Contributions #

  1. Number value inventory (Ch 2): includes general number — a form outside the number system, non-committal as to cardinality (Bayso lúban 'lion(s)', Japanese inu 'dog(s)', Arabic collectives). Values are classified as determinate (fixed cardinality: singular=1, dual=2, trial=3) vs indeterminate (contextually variable: paucal, greater plural).

  2. Number system typology (§2.3): implicational universals constrain which systems are possible — trial → dual → plural → singular.

  3. Animacy Hierarchy constraints (Ch 3, [SS74]): the likelihood of number being distinguished decreases monotonically from speaker toward inanimate. Connects to AnimacyRank in Features.Prominence.

  4. The Agreement Hierarchy (Ch 6, §6.2): for controllers permitting alternative agreement, semantic agreement increases monotonically along attributive < predicate < relative pronoun < personal pronoun.

  5. Controller–target mismatch (§6.1): controller and target may have different number systems (Bayso: 4 controller values, 3 target forms).

  6. Individuation Hierarchy (Ch 4): integrates the animacy hierarchy with number value inventories. Higher animacy positions can sustain richer number systems. Constraint II: if trial exists at position X, dual exists at X and all higher positions.

  7. Resolution rules (Ch 6, §6.3): when conjoined controllers disagree in number, resolution is either semantic (referent sum: sg + sg → pl) or syntactic (nearest conjunct agreement).

  8. Semantics of number (Ch 7): inclusive vs exclusive plural interpretation. Link's *P gives the inclusive reading (≥ 1); exclusive (≥ 2) is derived by scalar implicature. General number semantics connects to [Chi98]'s Nominal Mapping Parameter.

Number Systems (Ch 2, §2.3) #

English: obligatory sg–pl, no general number.

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    Russian: obligatory sg–pl, no general number.

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      Upper Sorbian: sg–dual–pl, all obligatory.

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        Bayso (Cushitic): sg–paucal–pl within the system; general form lúban 'lion(s)' exists outside it. Four controller values total.

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          Slovene: sg–dual–pl, but the dual is facultative (plural substitutes).

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            Larike (Central Moluccan): sg–dual–trial–pl, dual and trial both facultative (plural can substitute for either).

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              Lihir (Oceanic): sg–dual–trial–paucal–pl, five values — the richest well-documented system.

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                Japanese: sg–pl within the system, but general number exists (bare inu 'dog(s)' is non-committal).

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                  Western Armenian (ISO hyw): singular–plural within the system, but general number exists for singular indefinites (bare dəgha "boy" can refer to one or more boys). Per [BK14] eqs. 3 and 9: ⟦dəgha⟧ contains both singular individuals and groups; only plural dəgha-ner is strictly ≥2. The general-number reading is blocked in definite contexts via syntactic-complexity competition with the same-complexity plural alternative — see Studies/BaleKhanjian2014.lean. Korean (Kim 2005) and Turkish (Bliss 2004) pattern alike per BK 2014 §2.3 and fn 14.

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                    Pirahã (Mura): no number category at all.

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                      Winnebago (Siouan): minimal–augmented, two values. {±minimal} only ([Har14a] Table 3).

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                        Rembarrnga (Australian): minimal–unit augmented–augmented, three values. {±minimal*} — feature recursion on [±minimal] without [±atomic] ([Har14a] Table 3).

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                          Mebengokre (Jê): minimal–paucal–plural, three values. {±additive, ±minimal} ([Har14a] Table 3).

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                              Every system the book records satisfies the full Table-1 universal set ([Har14a]) — all eleven implications, not only the five originally checked above.

                              Animacy Hierarchy and Number Marking (Ch 3) #

                              Number marking status at a position on the Animacy Hierarchy.

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                                  An animacy–number profile records marking status at each hierarchy position for a particular language.

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                                    Constraint I (Corbett Ch 3): the sg–pl distinction must affect a top segment of the hierarchy. If any position has obligatory marking, then the topmost position (speaker) does too.

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                                      Constraint III (Corbett Ch 3): as we move rightward along the hierarchy, the likelihood of number being distinguished decreases monotonically — no intervening increase.

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                                        English: obligatory everywhere (regular split at the bottom).

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                                          Kannada (Dravidian): obligatory for humans, optional for non-human animates, absent for inanimates.

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                                            Slave (Athabaskan): obligatory for humans and kin, absent below.

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                                              Constraints I and III hold for all profiled languages.

                                              The Agreement Hierarchy (Ch 6, §6.2) #

                                              Whether agreement is determined by morphological form (syntactic) or by referential meaning (semantic).

                                              Distinct from Agreement.AgreementType (grammatical vs. pronominal, [BN07]), which is about whether the agreement marker has referential autonomy. This type is about what controls agreement — the formal features of the controller or its semantic content.

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                                                  An agreement profile for a controller type records the targets where semantic (meaning-driven) agreement is available.

                                                  • controller : String

                                                    Controller description

                                                  • semanticTargets : List Agreement.AgreementTarget

                                                    Targets where semantic (meaning-driven) agreement is possible.

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                                                    The Agreement Hierarchy monotonicity constraint: once semantic agreement becomes possible at a target, it remains possible at all targets further right (= lower Agreement.AgreementTarget.rank) on the hierarchy.

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                                                      British English committee: syntactic only in attributive position; semantic agreement possible in predicate, relative pronoun, and personal pronoun.

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                                                        American English committee: semantic agreement rare in predicate, but available in relative and personal pronoun.

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                                                          Serbo-Croatian deca 'children': morphologically feminine singular, semantically plural. Semantic agreement available everywhere.

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                                                            The Agreement Hierarchy is respected by all profiled controllers.

                                                            Once semantic agreement reaches the personal pronoun (rightmost), it is necessarily available there for all our controllers.

                                                            No controller has semantic agreement only at the attributive position (the leftmost) without also having it further right — this would violate the monotonicity constraint.

                                                            Controller–Target Mismatch (Ch 6, §6.1) #

                                                            Controller and target may operate with different number systems. The target system is typically a subset of the controller system.

                                                            • name : String
                                                            • controllerValues : List Number
                                                            • targetValues : List Number
                                                            • defaultNumber : Number

                                                              Number appearing when controller lacks specification (§6.1.2). Most languages default to singular; Tsez defaults to plural.

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                                                                Whether controller and target systems differ in size.

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                                                                  Bayso: 4 controller values (general, singular, paucal, plural), but only 3 target agreement forms. General and singular trigger the same agreement on the verb.

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                                                                    Modern Hebrew: 3 controller values (sg, dual, pl), but only 2 target agreement values — dual and plural trigger the same verb agreement.

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                                                                      English: 2 controller values, 2 target values (matched).

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                                                                        The Individuation Hierarchy (Ch 4) #

                                                                        An individuation profile records which number values are available at each position on the animacy hierarchy. Languages may have split number systems where pronouns sustain a richer inventory than nouns.

                                                                        • name : String
                                                                        • Number values available at each hierarchy position

                                                                        • minorValues : List Number

                                                                          Minor number values: restricted to a closed class of nouns (e.g., Hebrew dual for body-part nouns, Maltese dual). Constraints IV–VII govern the distribution of minor numbers.

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                                                                          Constraint II (Corbett Ch 4): if trial exists at position X, then dual exists at X and at all positions higher on the animacy hierarchy.

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                                                                            Monotonicity: number value inventories never grow as we move rightward (down) the hierarchy. If a value exists at position X, it exists at all higher positions.

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                                                                              Upper Sorbian: sg–dual–pl in pronouns and some nouns, but dual absent in lower animacy positions where only sg–pl remains.

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                                                                                Lihir (Oceanic): full sg–du–tri–pauc–pl in pronouns, reduced inventory in lower positions.

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                                                                                  English: uniform sg–pl at all positions (no split).

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                                                                                    Upper Sorbian pronouns have dual but lower animacy positions do not — a genuine split number system.

                                                                                    Resolution Rules for Conjoined Controllers (Ch 6, §6.3) #

                                                                                    When conjoined NPs disagree in number, the language must resolve which number value appears on the agreement target.

                                                                                    • semantic : ResolutionStrategy

                                                                                      Semantic resolution: sum the referents. sg + sg → pl because the conjunction denotes a plurality.

                                                                                    • closestConjunct : ResolutionStrategy

                                                                                      Syntactic resolution: the nearest (closest) conjunct to the target determines agreement, regardless of the other conjunct's number.

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                                                                                        Semantic resolution in English ({sg, pl}): sg + sg → pl — the lattice-canonical dual coarsens to plural (Number.System.resolve, Features/Number/Resolve.lean).

                                                                                        In Upper Sorbian (which has dual), sg + sg resolves to dual: the lattice-canonical result survives uncoarsened ([Cor00] §6.3).

                                                                                        Bridges to AnimacyRank, Fragment plurality profiles #

                                                                                        Bridge: AnimacyRank monotonicity constraint is consistent with the animacy hierarchy defined in Features.Prominence. The ranking used here agrees with the ranking there: speaker (8) > ... > nondiscrete (0).

                                                                                        Bridge: English Number.System matches the English plurality profile in English.Plurals — both record a 2-value obligatory system.

                                                                                        Bridge: Japanese general number in Corbett's analysis corresponds to the noPlural coding in Japanese.Plurals. WALS and Corbett describe the same facts differently: WALS says "no nominal plural," Corbett says "general number exists (form outside the system)."

                                                                                        Bridge: Bayso's general number explains its "no nominal plural" appearance — it's not that number is absent, but that the general form stands outside the number system.

                                                                                        Bridge to Cysouw Number.Stage #

                                                                                        Corbett's implicational hierarchy (trial → dual → plural → singular) is consistent with Cysouw's N-stages: a system at stage Nₖ has exactly k number oppositions, matching size = k for k ≤ 4.

                                                                                        Bridge to Chierchia (1998) Nominal Mapping Parameter #

                                                                                        Corbett's general number languages are those where bare nouns can denote kinds without a determiner — exactly Chierchia's [+arg] languages.

                                                                                        If a language has general number (a form outside the number system, non- committal to cardinality), bare NPs can serve as arguments. This corresponds to CanDenoteKind mapping (hasD := false), which holds for argOnly and argAndPred but not predOnly.

                                                                                        The inclusive/exclusive ambiguity of plurals (Corbett Ch 7).

                                                                                        Link's *P (star/plural closure) gives the inclusive interpretation: *P(x) holds for atoms AND their sums, so "dogs" denotes ≥ 1 dogs. The exclusive interpretation (≥ 2 dogs) is not a separate semantic primitive — it arises by scalar implicature from the singular alternative.

                                                                                        This is modeled here as a parameter on plural interpretation. The compositional semantics (Link1983.star) always delivers inclusive; pragmatics narrows to exclusive.

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                                                                                            The compositional (pre-pragmatic) interpretation is always inclusive.

                                                                                            Minor Number Constraints IV–VII (Ch 4) #

                                                                                            Constraint VII ([Cor00] Ch 4): only dual and paucal can be minor numbers. Singular and plural cannot be minor — they are the core of any number system.

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                                                                                              Constraint IV ([Cor00] Ch 4): if a minor number exists at some animacy position, it must also exist at all higher positions. Minor numbers obey the same monotonicity as full number values.

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                                                                                                Modern Hebrew: minor dual restricted to body-part nouns and a few lexicalized time expressions. The dual is a closed class (Constraint V), found only among human/body-part nouns.

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                                                                                                  Maltese: minor dual, also restricted to a small set of nouns (body parts and time expressions, e.g. idejn 'two hands').

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                                                                                                    Constraint VII holds for all profiles (only dual/paucal are minor).

                                                                                                    Constraint IV holds for all profiles (minor number monotonicity).

                                                                                                    Constraint II also holds for the extended profile set.

                                                                                                    Hebrew and Maltese duals are minor numbers.

                                                                                                    No language in our sample has minor singular or plural.

                                                                                                    Default Number (Ch 6, §6.1.2) #

                                                                                                    Tsez (Northeast Caucasian): when the controller lacks a number specification, the default agreement target form is plural — opposite to most languages.

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                                                                                                      Default number is always in the target system.

                                                                                                      Associative Plurals (Ch 5) #

                                                                                                      Associative plural profile: "X and associates" constructions are constrained by animacy — they typically require human or animate controllers ([Cor00] Ch 5).

                                                                                                      • name : String
                                                                                                      • Minimum animacy rank for associative plural use

                                                                                                      • sameAsAdditive : Bool

                                                                                                        Whether the associative marker is identical to the additive plural

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                                                                                                          Hungarian: associative -ék, dedicated form (not the additive plural), restricted to human referents.

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                                                                                                            Japanese: associative -tachi, distinct from additive plural (none on common nouns), human-restricted.

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                                                                                                              Turkish: associative -ler (same as additive plural), available for human referents.

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                                                                                                                Associative plurals in our sample all require at least human animacy.

                                                                                                                Bridge: Japanese has both associative plural (here) and general number (from the Number.System), reflecting the interaction between the two.

                                                                                                                Count/Mass × Number Interaction (Ch 7) #

                                                                                                                Count/mass interaction with number systems ([Cor00] Ch 7).

                                                                                                                Mass nouns resist plural morphology; count nouns take it freely. The count/mass distinction interacts with the animacy hierarchy: higher animacy positions are more likely to be count (and thus support richer number distinctions).

                                                                                                                • name : String
                                                                                                                • countNounsInflect : Bool

                                                                                                                  Does the language require count nouns to inflect for number?

                                                                                                                • massNounsInflect : Bool

                                                                                                                  Does the language allow mass nouns to inflect for number?

                                                                                                                • countSystem : Number.System

                                                                                                                  Number system for count nouns

                                                                                                                • massSystem : Number.System

                                                                                                                  Number system for mass nouns (often smaller or empty)

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                                                                                                                    English: count nouns inflect obligatorily, mass nouns do not (*furnitures, *informations).

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                                                                                                                      Japanese: neither count nor mass nouns inflect for number (general number covers both).

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                                                                                                                        Mass noun systems are never richer than count noun systems.

                                                                                                                        In English, count nouns inflect but mass nouns do not.

                                                                                                                        Bridge to Chierchia (1998): Japanese general number languages treat count and mass nouns identically — both get the same number system.

                                                                                                                        Predicate Hierarchy Bridge #

                                                                                                                        A predicate-hierarchy profile records the sub-positions (verb, participle, adjective, noun) where semantic agreement is possible for a controller — e.g. Russian honorific vy.

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                                                                                                                          The Predicate Hierarchy ([Com75]) monotonicity constraint: once semantic agreement becomes possible at a sub-position, it remains possible at all higher positions.

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                                                                                                                            Russian honorific vy 'you' (polite singular): grammatically plural but referring to one person, so semantic agreement = singular. Per [Cor00]'s Predicate Hierarchy data, the finite verb and participle keep syntactic (plural) agreement, while the long-form predicate adjective and the predicate noun take singular (semantic) agreement.

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                                                                                                                              The Russian honorific-vy profile respects Predicate Hierarchy monotonicity.