Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Cooper2023.Ch8

Cooper (2023) Ch. 8 — Type-Based Underspecification #

[Coo23] [Cho81] [Kan94] [SP21] [Kam81] [Chi95]

Cooper's From Perception to Communication Chapter 8 introduces content types that replace specific contents with types whose witnesses are fully specified readings. This file formalises §8.2 (quantifier scope and underspecification) and §8.3 (anaphora — donkey, binding, cross-sentential, negation), and provides bridge theorems linking Cooper's TTR machinery to linglib's ScopeConfig and BindingConfig interfaces.

The companion Studies/Cooper2023/Basic.lean wires this Ch. 8 substrate to the donkey rows in Data/Examples/ and the Chomsky1981 binding paradigm.

Main definitions #

Main statements #

Notation #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

Quantifier stores #

A quantifier store holds quantifiers that have been "tucked away" during composition and await scope assignment via retrieval. Cooper §8.2 adapts Cooper 1983-style storage to TTR.

structure Cooper2023Ch8.QStore (E : Type) :

A quantifier store: a list of quantifiers awaiting scope resolution (Cooper §8.2). Stored quantifiers are later retrieved at scope positions; retrieval order determines scope.

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    Empty quantifier store: no pending scope ambiguity.

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      A store is plugged when all quantifiers have taken scope (terminology from Bos's plugged/unplugged distinction, adopted by Cooper §8.2).

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        A store is unplugged when quantifiers remain to be scoped.

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          @[simp]

          Plugged ↔ ¬ unplugged.

          @[simp]

          The empty store is plugged by construction.

          A plugged QStore corresponds to a trivial Parametric background: an empty store contributes no scope presuppositions, exactly as Parametric.trivial has Bg = Unit.

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            Store and retrieve operations #

            store moves a quantifier from the content into the qstore, leaving a trace variable in the content. retrieve pops the outermost stored quantifier and applies it at a scope position; retrieval order determines relative scope (Cooper §8.2).

            Push a quantifier onto the store (Cooper §8.2).

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              Storing into a plugged store makes it unplugged.

              Pop the outermost stored quantifier (Cooper §8.2). Returns the quantifier and the remaining store, or none if plugged.

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              • qs.retrieve = match qs.stored with | [] => none | q :: rest => some (q, { stored := rest })
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                theorem Cooper2023Ch8.retrieve_none_iff_plugged {E : Type} (qs : QStore E) :
                qs.retrieve = none ↔ qs.isPlugged

                Retrieve returns none iff the store is plugged.

                @[simp]
                theorem Cooper2023Ch8.store_then_retrieve {E : Type} (qs : QStore E) (q : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Quant E) :
                (qs.store q).retrieve = some (q, qs)

                Store then retrieve recovers the stored quantifier.

                Two-quantifier scope and the underspecification closure #

                For sentences with two quantifiers and a binary relation, the two possible retrieval orders produce exactly two scope readings: "every boy hugged a dog" has ∀>∃ and ∃>∀ readings. The underspecification closure 𝔖 records both.

                A two-quantifier scope configuration: two quantifiers and a relation. The minimal underspecified content for a doubly-quantified sentence (Cooper §8.2).

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                  Surface scope reading: Q₁ scopes over Q₂. Retrieving Q₁ first gives outermost scope. For "every boy hugged a dog": ∀x. boy(x) → ∃y. dog(y) ∧ hug(x,y).

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                    Inverse scope reading: Q₂ scopes over Q₁. For "every boy hugged a dog": ∃y. dog(y) ∧ ∀x. boy(x) → hug(x,y).

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                      The underspecification closure 𝔖 for two quantifiers: the join of all possible scope readings. Each witness of 𝔖(content) is one fully specified reading; with two quantifiers, 𝔖 has at most two witnesses.

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                        A surface scope witness embeds into 𝔖.

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                          An inverse scope witness embeds into 𝔖.

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                            Select a scope reading by ScopeConfig. Ch8 → [SP21] bridge: retrieval order corresponds to ScopeConfig.surface /.inverse.

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                              Bridge to ScopeConfig #

                              The witnesses of 𝔖(content) are in bijection with the Semantics.Scope.ScopeConfig tags used by [SP21]'s RSA scope listener: each ScopeConfig selects one reading, and every witness of 𝔖 comes from exactly one reading. The bridge is a linglib engineering interface; Cooper himself does not draw this connection.

                              Every witness of 𝔖 is tagged by a ScopeConfig.

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                                A tagged reading embeds into 𝔖.

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                                  Round-trip: tagged → 𝔖 → tagged is the identity. The bijection between 𝔖 witnesses and ScopeConfig-tagged readings.

                                  Phenomenon: scope ambiguity in "every boy hugged a dog" #

                                  The classic scope ambiguity example. Two boys, two dogs; each boy hugs a different dog. Surface scope is true but inverse scope is false.

                                  Individuals for the scope example.

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                                    @[implicit_reducible]
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                                    def Cooper2023Ch8.instReprScopeInd.repr :
                                    ScopeInd → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                      Hug predicate: Tom hugs Fido, Bill hugs Rex. This scenario makes surface scope true but inverse scope false: every boy hugged A dog (different dogs), but no single dog was hugged by every boy.

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                                        The two-quantifier scope configuration for "every boy hugged a dog".

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                                          Surface scope witness: every boy hugged a (possibly different) dog. Tom→Fido, Bill→Rex.

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                                            Inverse scope fails: no single dog was hugged by every boy.

                                            Bridge: scope readings to Ch. 7 witness conditions #

                                            A surface scope reading with a universal subject and existential object corresponds to per-element ParticularWC_Exist conditions, yielding REFSET anaphora for the object NP ("Every boy hugged a dog. It was friendly." — "it" picks up one dog per boy, distributive REFSET).

                                            def Cooper2023Ch8.surfaceScopeInnerWitness {E : Type} (P Q : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Ppty E) (R : E → E → Type) (w : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.semUniversal P fun (x : E) => Semantics.TypeTheoretic.ExistWitness E Q fun (y : E) => R x y) (x : E) (hP : P x) :

                                            A surface scope witness ∀x. P(x) → ∃y. Q(y) ∧ R(x,y) yields a ParticularWC_Exist for the inner existential at each fixed subject — predicting REFSET anaphora for the object NP.

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                                              An inverse scope witness ∃y. Q(y) ∧ ∀x. P(x) → R(x,y) yields a ParticularWC_Exist for the outer existential — there is one specific entity witnessing Q under which the universal scopes.

                                              "A dog was hugged by every boy. It was large." — "it" picks up the specific dog (REFSET from outer scope).

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                                                theorem Cooper2023Ch8.surface_scope_matches_existPQ {E : Type} (P Q : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Ppty E) (R : E → E → Type) (w : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.semUniversal P fun (x : E) => Semantics.TypeTheoretic.ExistWitness E Q fun (y : E) => R x y) (x : E) :
                                                Nonempty (P x) → Semantics.TypeTheoretic.existPQ Q (R x)

                                                Surface scope (semUniversal + ExistWitness) matches existPQ at each individual — the Ch. 7 existential-predicate overlap; scope retrieval order determines which witness conditions hold per quantifier position.

                                                Localization #

                                                Cooper §8.3 eq (49): localization ℒ(đ’«) takes a doubly-parametric property Ëčλc:T1.Ëčλr:T2.φËșËș and folds the outer context-parameter T1 into the inner property's record-domain under label 𝔠, producing another parametric property whose body has paths c.π rewritten to r.𝔠.π. This is the Ch. 8 mechanism for donkey anaphora ("Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it"): the indefinite "a donkey" is stored, then localized into the restrictor "farmer who owns a donkey", binding the donkey existentially (weak) or universally (strong) inside the property body.

                                                In linglib's flat PPpty encoding (no inner record-domain), this record-merge collapses to ÎŁ-existential elimination of the background, making localize definitionally identical to Ch. 7's purify. See the Implementation notes in the module docstring.

                                                @[reducible, inline]

                                                Cooper's localization operator ℒ (§8.3 eq 49).

                                                In linglib's flat PPpty encoding localize is the same as Ch. 7's purify; see the module-level Implementation notes for the encoding-collapse argument. The abbrev records this identification so Ch. 7 lemmas discharge Ch. 8 obligations definitionally.

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                                                  Cooper's universal-localization variant â„’Êž (the strong-donkey companion to ℒ). Coincides with Ch. 7's purifyUniv for the same encoding reason.

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                                                    def Cooper2023Ch8.termℒ_ :
                                                    Lean.ParserDescr

                                                    Cooper's localization operator ℒ (§8.3 eq 49).

                                                    In linglib's flat PPpty encoding localize is the same as Ch. 7's purify; see the module-level Implementation notes for the encoding-collapse argument. The abbrev records this identification so Ch. 7 lemmas discharge Ch. 8 obligations definitionally.

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                                                    • Cooper2023Ch8.termℒ_ = Lean.ParserDescr.node `Cooper2023Ch8.termℒ_ 1024 (Lean.ParserDescr.binary `andthen (Lean.ParserDescr.symbol "ℒ") (Lean.ParserDescr.cat `term 1024))
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                                                      Cooper's universal-localization variant â„’Êž (the strong-donkey companion to ℒ). Coincides with Ch. 7's purifyUniv for the same encoding reason.

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                                                      • Cooper2023Ch8.«termâ„’Êž_» = Lean.ParserDescr.node `Cooper2023Ch8.«termâ„’Êž_» 1024 (Lean.ParserDescr.binary `andthen (Lean.ParserDescr.symbol "â„’Êž") (Lean.ParserDescr.cat `term 1024))
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                                                        Localization lemmas (inherited from Ch7 purification) #

                                                        Since localize := purify, witness-existence lemmas about purification carry over verbatim. We restate them under the Ch. 8 vocabulary for discoverability.

                                                        theorem Cooper2023Ch8.localize_nonempty_iff {E : Type} (P : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.PPpty E) (a : E) :
                                                        Nonempty (localize P a) ↔ ∃ (c : P.Bg), Nonempty (P.fg c a)

                                                        Localization preserves truth: a localized property is witnessed iff the original is witnessable under some context.

                                                        theorem Cooper2023Ch8.localizeUniv_nonempty_iff {E : Type} (P : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.PPpty E) (a : E) :
                                                        Nonempty (localizeUniv P a) ↔ ∀ (c : P.Bg), Nonempty (P.fg c a)

                                                        Universal localization: witnessed iff property holds under all contexts.

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                                                        Localizing a trivial parametric property adds only a Unit factor.

                                                        Weak and strong donkey readings agree when the parametric background is trivial. Corollary of donkey_readings_agree_when_pure.

                                                        Phenomenon: "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" #

                                                        The classical Geach/Kamp donkey example (Cooper §8.3 uses "no dog which chases a cat catches it" as his primary case; we use the better-known farmer/donkey variant). Two farmers, two donkeys; each farmer owns and beats a different donkey. This demonstrates:

                                                        1. Localization absorbs "a donkey" into the restrictor.
                                                        2. Weak donkey (ℒ in linglib's encoding = 𝔓) is witnessable — each farmer owns/beats some donkey.
                                                        3. Strong donkey (â„’Êž = đ”“Êž) fails — no farmer owns/beats every donkey.
                                                        4. The divergence witnesses the non-triviality of donkey_readings_agree_when_pure.

                                                        Individuals for the donkey example.

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                                                          Ownership: farmer1 owns donkey1, farmer2 owns donkey2.

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                                                            Background type: a donkey that exists.

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                                                              The parametric property "farmer who owns a donkey [and beats it]". Background: a specific donkey d. Foreground: given d, x is a farmer who owns d and beats d.

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                                                                Farmer1 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey1.

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                                                                  Farmer2 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey2.

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                                                                    The strong-donkey reading fails for farmer1: the universal "every donkey d, farmer1 owns d ∧ beats d" is falsified by donkey2, which farmer1 does not own.

                                                                    Weak and strong donkey readings genuinely diverge in this scenario: weak is witnessable, strong is empty. Witness that donkey_readings_agree_when_pure has a real hypothesis — when Bg is non-trivial (multiple donkeys), the readings differ.

                                                                    The full sentence "every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" is witnessed under the weak donkey reading.

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                                                                      TODO: Cooper's strong-donkey pipeline ℒ → alignPaths → 𝔓^∀ #

                                                                      Cooper §8.3 eq (60) derives the strong-donkey reading by composing three distinct operations: localize the verb-phrase parametric content (ℒ, eq 49); align two paths in the result so the pronoun depends on the indefinite (alignPaths, eq 51-52); then apply 𝔓^∀ (Ch. 7 eq 13) to this prepared scope as the witness condition for the universal quantifier. The composite pipeline is not formalised here; we have each stage independently (localize, alignPaths, purifyUniv), but the end-to-end derivation for "every farmer who owns a donkey likes it" is deferred.

                                                                      Reflexivization and anaphoric resolution #

                                                                      Cooper §8.3 introduces two binding operations: ℜ (reflexivization, eq 84) removes the reflexive marking from the context and binds the reflexive pronoun to the subject variable; @_{i,j} (anaphoric combination, eq 28) identifies assignment path j with path i, linking a pronoun to its antecedent.

                                                                      The interplay yields complementary distribution: ℜ forces local binding for reflexives; @_{i,j} with a constant resolution gives disjoint reference for pronouns; the boundary operation B (eq 77, see below) clears locality at clause boundaries.

                                                                      The record-typed versions (reflexivize₈, anaphoricCombine₈, etc., using Cntxt₈) are defined further down; the simplified versions here serve as the clean semantic interface for bridge theorems, with reflexivize₈_agrees_with_simple connecting the two layers.

                                                                      Reflexivization (Cooper §8.3 eq 84): identify the two arguments of a binary relation. Removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and replaces the dependency on the assignment variable đ”€.xᔹ with the domain variable r.x. Semantic effect: a transitive verb R(x,y) becomes a reflexive VP R(x,x), forcing the object to corefer with the subject. "Sam likes himself" = ℜ(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).

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                                                                        def Cooper2023Ch8.termℜ_ :
                                                                        Lean.ParserDescr

                                                                        Reflexivization (Cooper §8.3 eq 84): identify the two arguments of a binary relation. Removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and replaces the dependency on the assignment variable đ”€.xᔹ with the domain variable r.x. Semantic effect: a transitive verb R(x,y) becomes a reflexive VP R(x,x), forcing the object to corefer with the subject. "Sam likes himself" = ℜ(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).

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                                                                        • Cooper2023Ch8.termℜ_ = Lean.ParserDescr.node `Cooper2023Ch8.termℜ_ 1024 (Lean.ParserDescr.binary `andthen (Lean.ParserDescr.symbol "ℜ") (Lean.ParserDescr.cat `term 1024))
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                                                                          Anaphoric resolution: resolve a parametric property's background using a function of the foreground argument. Captures the semantic effect of Cooper's @_{i,j} (§8.3): identifying path đ”€.xⱌ with đ”€.xᔹ creates the anaphoric link.

                                                                          • Reflexives: resolve = id (subject is the referent) — equivalent to ℜ.
                                                                          • Pronouns: resolve = const (g i) (assignment provides referent).
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                                                                            theorem Cooper2023Ch8.reflexivize_forces_identity {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (x : E) :
                                                                            reflexivize R x = R x x

                                                                            ℜ forces argument identity: any witness of ℜ R x is R x x.

                                                                            theorem Cooper2023Ch8.reflexivize_eq_resolve_id {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) :
                                                                            reflexivize R = anaphoricResolve { Bg := E, fg := fun (y x : E) => R x y } id

                                                                            ℜ is anaphoric resolution with identity: reflexivization is the special case where the background (object referent) is resolved to equal the foreground argument (subject).

                                                                            theorem Cooper2023Ch8.resolve_const {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (y x : E) :
                                                                            anaphoricResolve { Bg := E, fg := fun (obj subj : E) => R subj obj } (fun (x : E) => y) x = R x y

                                                                            Pronoun resolution with a constant referent y: resolves to y regardless of the subject x. Captures @_{i,j} when the assignment g i = y is fixed from discourse context. "Sam likes him(=Bill)" yields like(Sam, Bill).

                                                                            Phenomenon: "Sam likes himself" / "Sam likes him" #

                                                                            Cooper §8.3: "Sam likes him" has two fields x and y for individuals; when y = x, the fields are filled by the same individual. Reflexivization ℜ forces this identification, yielding complementary distribution:

                                                                            Individuals for the binding example. Sam is the subject; Bill is a potential non-local antecedent for "him".

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                                                                              "like" as a non-trivial binary relation: Sam likes everyone, Bill likes Kim and himself, Kim likes herself only. The non-triviality is load-bearing — ℜ (like₈) Kim is inhabited but like₈ Kim Sam is not, so reflexivization genuinely restricts which argument pairs are witnessable.

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                                                                                like₈ is non-trivial: not everyone likes everyone.

                                                                                "like" as parametric content: the object comes from background. The verb phrase "likes him" has the object's referent in the context.

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                                                                                  "Sam likes himself" via ℜ: ℜ like₈ Sam = like₈ Sam Sam.

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                                                                                    "Sam likes him(=Bill)" via pronoun resolution.

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                                                                                      ℜ forces coreference: the reflexive witness equals like₈ Sam Sam.

                                                                                      Pronoun resolution gives like₈ Sam Bill — distinct arguments.

                                                                                      Every individual can like themselves; ℜ is always witnessable here.

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                                                                                        ℜ applied via anaphoricResolve with identity matches direct reflexivization.

                                                                                        ℜ genuinely constrains: Kim can like herself but not Bill — the restriction is non-trivial because like₈ Kim Bill is empty while like₈ Kim Kim is PUnit.

                                                                                        Bridge to BindingConfig #

                                                                                        Translate TTR's assignment-based binding (ℜ / @_{i,j}) to the position-based BindingConfig interface in Syntax.Binding.Semantics. Cooper §8.3 (book p.371) deliberately avoids positional encodings in favour of assignment-percolation; the bridge is a linglib engineering convenience for consumers that want position-typed binding output, not a claim about Cooper's theory. The mapping is:

                                                                                        ℜ induces a binding relation: subject binds the reflexive object. The subject at position 0 binds "himself" at position 2.

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                                                                                          Binding config for "Sam likes himself": one local binding.

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                                                                                            The reflexive binding config is well-formed: no double binding, no self-binding, consistent indices.

                                                                                            Binding config for "Sam likes him": no local bindings, the pronoun at position 2 is a free variable.

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                                                                                              The pronominal config has no local bindings (Condition B).

                                                                                              Bridge: TTR ℜ maps to a non-trivial binding config (one binding), while @{i,j} pronoun resolution maps to an empty binding config. The semantic mechanism (ℜ vs @{i,j}) determines the syntactic binding structure.

                                                                                              Full Ch. 8 context Cntxt₈ #

                                                                                              Cooper's context evolves across the chapter: the initial 5-field context {q, 𝔰, 𝔮, đ”€, 𝔠} (§8.2) is extended with đ”© (locality) in §8.3 and with 𝔯 (reflexive marking) later in §8.3. Cntxt₈ encodes the final 7-field shape; pre-locality and pre-reflexive variants are recovered by leaving đ”© / 𝔯 empty. Extends CntxtFull (Ch. 7) with q, đ”©, 𝔯.

                                                                                              Cooper's full Ch. 8 context. Fields: quantifier store q, current assignment 𝔰, locality đ”©, reflexive-marking 𝔯, wh-assignment 𝔮, gap-tracking assignment đ”€, propositional context 𝔠.

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                                                                                                The empty initial context.

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                                                                                                  Pre-locality context shape (Cooper §8.2 initial form): both đ”© and 𝔯 are empty.

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                                                                                                    Pre-reflexive context shape (Cooper §8.3 mid-form): 𝔯 is empty.

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                                                                                                      Boundary operation B and locality-aware @_{i,j} (Cooper §8.3) #

                                                                                                      B(α) clears the locality field at clause boundaries; @_{i,j} with a locality check identifies 𝔰.xⱌ with 𝔰.xᔹ only when 𝔰.xᔹ is in the đ”©-field. Together they enforce a locality constraint on pronoun-antecedent linking.

                                                                                                      Boundary operation B(α): resets đ”© at clause boundaries.

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                                                                                                        def Cooper2023Ch8.anaphoricCombine₈ {E : Type} [Inhabited E] (i j : ℕ) (P Q : Cntxt₈ E → Type) :
                                                                                                        Cntxt₈ E → Type

                                                                                                        Locality-checked @_{i,j}: identifies 𝔰.xⱌ with 𝔰.xᔹ only when 𝔰.xᔹ is in đ”©.

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                                                                                                          def Cooper2023Ch8.sentenceRule₈ {E : Type} (np vp : Cntxt₈ E → Type) :
                                                                                                          Cntxt₈ E → Type

                                                                                                          Sentence rule S → NP VP | B(NP' (@VP')).

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                                                                                                            theorem Cooper2023Ch8.boundary₈_clears_locality {E : Type} (c : Cntxt₈ E) (i : ℕ) :
                                                                                                            { q := c.q, 𝔰 := c.𝔰, đ”© := Core.PartialAssign.empty, 𝔯 := c.𝔯, 𝔮 := c.𝔮, đ”€ := c.đ”€, 𝔠 := c.𝔠 }.đ”© i = none

                                                                                                            "Sam thinks she is lucky" — B enables non-local pronoun binding. #

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                                                                                                                theorem Cooper2023Ch8.boundary_clears_for_nonlocal :
                                                                                                                (have __src := localCtx₈; { q := __src.q, 𝔰 := __src.𝔰, đ”© := Core.PartialAssign.empty, 𝔯 := __src.𝔯, 𝔮 := __src.𝔮, đ”€ := __src.đ”€, 𝔠 := __src.𝔠 }).đ”© 0 = none

                                                                                                                Anaphor-free filter 𝔄 and full record-typed reflexivization (Cooper §8.3) #

                                                                                                                Anaphor-free filter 𝔄(T): requires the 𝔯-field to be empty. "Principle A" in Cooper's evocation of [Cho81]'s binding theory.

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                                                                                                                  def Cooper2023Ch8.reflexivize₈ {E : Type} (i : ℕ) (P : Cntxt₈ E → E → Type) :
                                                                                                                  Cntxt₈ E → E → Type

                                                                                                                  Full record-typed reflexivization ℜ₈(P): clears the 𝔯-field and sets 𝔰(i) = x.

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                                                                                                                    def Cooper2023Ch8.vpRule₈ {E : Type} (verb : Cntxt₈ E → E → E → Type) (np : Cntxt₈ E → E → Type) :
                                                                                                                    Cntxt₈ E → E → Type

                                                                                                                    VP rule VP → V NP | 𝔄(V' (@NP')).

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                                                                                                                      theorem Cooper2023Ch8.reflexivize₈_agrees_with_simple {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (x : E) :
                                                                                                                      reflexivize₈ 0 (fun (x : Cntxt₈ E) (a : E) => R a a) Cntxt₈.initial x = reflexivize R x

                                                                                                                      ℜ₈ agrees with the simplified ℜ when P ignores the context.

                                                                                                                      Generalised underspecification closure #

                                                                                                                      Inductive closure of a content type T under the seven Ch. 8 operators (base, localize, reflexivize, align, anaphoric, store, retrieve). Compositional interpretation as a semantic evaluator is not yet provided — this is a syntax-tree representation only.

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                                                                                                                        N-quantifier scope (formaliser's extension) #

                                                                                                                        Cooper §8.2 treats only the n ≀ 2 case. We extend the storage-and-retrieve mechanism to n quantifiers, indexing scope orderings by lists of Fin n (head = outermost retrieved). The naĂŻve combinatorial maximum is n! distinct orderings; empirical scope is constrained by scope islands, freezing, and weak-island effects that this substrate does not enforce.

                                                                                                                        structure Cooper2023Ch8.NQuantScope (E : Type) (n : ℕ) :

                                                                                                                        An n-quantifier scope configuration: an n-ary relation plus n quantifiers.

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                                                                                                                          def Cooper2023Ch8.NQuantScope.nestQuants {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) :
                                                                                                                          List (Fin n) → (Fin n → E) → Type

                                                                                                                          Nest the quantifiers along a given retrieval order; the head of the list takes outermost scope.

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                                                                                                                            structure Cooper2023Ch8.ScopeOrdering (n : ℕ) :

                                                                                                                            A scope ordering: a (not necessarily distinct) list of Fin n indices of length n. A proper permutation requires additionally order.Nodup; we leave this unconstrained because the witness theorems below construct orderings explicitly.

                                                                                                                            • order : List (Fin n)
                                                                                                                            • complete : self.order.length = n
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                                                                                                                              def Cooper2023Ch8.NQuantScope.readingAt {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) (σ : ScopeOrdering n) (default : E) :
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                                                                                                                                def Cooper2023Ch8.NQuantScope.𝔖 {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) (default : E) :
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                                                                                                                                    "Someone gave every child a present" — three quantifiers #

                                                                                                                                    Cooper §8.2 does not analyse this case; the six orderings constructed here are the formaliser's combinatorial enumeration.

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                                                                                                                                                    Cross-sentential anaphora (Cooper §8.3) #

                                                                                                                                                    "A man walked. He whistled." The pronoun resolves to the indefinite via asymmetric merge under label 𝔭: the previous sentence's foreground becomes the current sentence's background.

                                                                                                                                                    structure Cooper2023Ch8.DiscourseContext (E PrevContent : Type) :

                                                                                                                                                    Discourse merge under label 𝔭: the previous sentence's content becomes a background field of the current context.

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                                                                                                                                                      def Cooper2023Ch8.crossSententialResolve {E : Type} {P : E → Type} (prev : (x : E) × P x) :
                                                                                                                                                      E

                                                                                                                                                      Cross-sentential resolution: project the individual from the previous sentence's sigma-typed content.

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                                                                                                                                                              "No dog which chases a cat catches it" #

                                                                                                                                                              Cooper §8.3 primary donkey example combining negation, localization, and path alignment.

                                                                                                                                                              Path alignment (Cooper §8.3 eq 52, App A11.8): replace path π₁ with π₂ in a parametric property. In Cooper's full TTR this is a type operation T_{π₁ = π₂} creating a manifest field; here we simplify to a relabelling of the background.

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                                                                                                                                                                  Localized restrictor: cat existential absorbed into "dog which chases a cat".

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                                                                                                                                                                      "no" quantifier: ∀x. restr(x) → ¬scope(x).

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                                                                                                                                                                        "No dog which chases a cat catches it" is true when no dog catches the cat it chases.

                                                                                                                                                                        "No dog which chases a cat catches it" is false when every dog catches the cat it chases.

                                                                                                                                                                        The negation donkey case uses ℒ — the same localization mechanism as the classic farmer/donkey example.