Dependent Case by Agree: Ergative in Shawi [CD26] #
[CD26] argue that ergative case in Shawi (Kawapanan; Peru)
arises when v Agrees with the subject after the object: the subject
serves as the second goal for the v probe, receiving a goal-flag
bundle that includes the object's φ-features. The ergative suffix -ri
spells out the φ-root of that bundle, and the optional "object agreement
on subject" (OAgr-on-S) morpheme spells out the inner φ-features of the
same bundle.
The distribution of -ri in Shawi is a strictly descending /
ultrastrong PCC pattern (1>2>3). [CD26]'s final generalization
(their (10), p. 274) is: ergative appears when the subject is at least as
high as the object on the person hierarchy 1>2>3 and both arguments are
in the same syntactic domain. The hierarchy half is exactly [Dea24]'s
strictlyDescending grammar (SAT:[SPKR], DynINT:[PART]↑), already
formalized in Deal2024.lean; the same-domain half is the object's
visibility to the v probe (objectVisible).
predictsErgative realizes both factors. Note it follows the [Dea24]
mechanism the paper adopts, not the loose prose of (10): a 1st-person
object satisfies SAT:[SPKR] and halts the probe, so predictsErgative
predicts no ergative at the reflexive 1→1 cell, even though "at least as
high as" (1 ≥ 1) would admit it. Shawi data do not document the reflexive
1→1/2→2 cells — Table 4 (p. 285) has no such rows — so this is a prediction
of the mechanism, not a tested fact.
This study file does five things:
- Map the Shawi clause to the Deal-2024 PCC framing: the lower goal (DO) is the object, the higher / second goal (IO) is the subject.
- Predict the distribution of
-riover the cells of [CD26] Table 4 (p. 285) from the existingstrictlyDescendinggrammar plus the high/low ambiguity for 3rd-person objects (the source of "(✓)" optionality). - Ground the predictions in the privative person geometry shared
with [Dea24]'s
dpBears(and via that, with [PZ18]'ssatisfiesProminenceand [BR09]'spersonSpec). - Bridge to the existing person-rank order via
Deal2024.sd_off_diagonal_iff_outranks— the Shawi pattern's 1>2>3 hierarchy is exactly the one that fell out of Deal-2024. - Counterexample the configurational case rules [CD26]
discusses (§1 (1), after [Bak15]; §4.1 (37), a
[BS24a]-style rule) by running linglib's own formalized
dependent-case algorithm (
Syntax.Case.assignCases) on Shawi cells, rather than a local strawman.
Genuinely new machinery — bidirectional Agree (goal flagging), Distributed-Morphology Vocabulary Insertion, Kinyalolo's Constraint — is not introduced here. The study file derives Shawi's empirical table from infrastructure linglib already has, and flags the new machinery as a separate follow-up.
The v probe in Shawi sits between the object (lower) and the subject (higher). Cyclic Agree (Béjar & Rezac 2009) makes the object the first goal (G1 ≡ DO in Deal-2024 terms) and the subject the second goal (G2 ≡ IO). [CD26] (13) (cyclic expansion), (15)–(19).
Instances For
Whether v can interact with the object as G1. 3rd-person low objects sit inside the inner v_cat phase and are invisible to the v probe ([CD26] §3.2, (24), (30)). Every other object — local-person (1/2, including the clusivity cells) and high-positioned 3rd-person — is visible.
Two notes on the wildcard. (i) objectVisible .first .low and
objectVisible .second .low return true vacuously: local-person
objects never occupy the low position (mustBeHigh is true for
them), so the case is structurally inaccessible. (ii) The impersonal
.zero and the clusivity cells .firstInclusive/.firstExclusive
fall through to true; only the bare .third low cell is invisible,
matching the paper's treatment of 3rd-person objects as the persons
that show no overt object agreement and may stay low.
Equations
Instances For
Predict whether -ri surfaces on the subject of a transitive clause
with the given subject person, object person, and object position.
Two factors must coincide:
- The object must be visible to v (
objectVisible). - The probe must successfully Agree with the subject as a
second goal — exactly Deal-2024's
isLicitfor the strictly descending grammar.
Equations
- ClemDeal2024.predictsErgative subj obj pos = (ClemDeal2024.objectVisible obj pos && Deal2024.isLicit ClemDeal2024.shawiGrammar subj obj)
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1P object always satisfies SAT:[SPKR], halting the probe before it reaches the subject — ergative is impossible regardless of the subject's features or the object's position. [CD26] (7a–b), (14a–b), §3 derivation in (15).
2P high object: lacks [SPKR] (no SAT halt) but bears [PART], triggering dynamic narrowing. The subject is then visible as G2 only if it bears [PART] — i.e., is itself local-person. [CD26] §3.2, (16).
3P high object: lacks [SPKR] and lacks [PART], so the probe neither halts nor narrows. The subject is visible as G2 regardless of its features. [CD26] (8), (22).
3P low object: invisible to v. The probe finds only the subject as G1; no goal-flag bundle reaches the subject. [CD26] (24).
For non-diagonal (subject ≠ object) configurations with a visible
object, ergative on the subject coincides with the subject
outranking the object on the 1>2>3 person hierarchy.
Inherits [Dea24]'s sd_off_diagonal_iff_outranks —
Shawi's hierarchy effect is exactly the one that fell out of
Deal-2024 on independent grounds.
[CD26] Table 4 (p. 285) — the full ergative distribution by
person of subject and object, here with the high/low split of the
3rd-person-object rows giving 10 cells. Each reduces by rfl from
predictsErgative. Table 4 lists 7 (subject, object) person pairs; it
has no reflexive 1→1 or 2→2 rows (see the header note on the 1→1
mechanism prediction).
Optionality is exactly the (✓) cells: 1→3, 2→3, 3→3.
For any local-person object, the position parameter is irrelevant
to the prediction: ergative depends only on isLicit shawiGrammar.
Reason: objectVisible is true for any non-3P object regardless
of position.
Bookkeeping: for any local-person object, the Fragment-level
mustBeHigh constraint forces the high position, which is exactly
what the probe-visibility analysis presupposes.
A Shawi monotransitive mapped to a dependent-case Spell-Out domain: the subject c-commands the object (earlier = structurally higher), and neither bears lexical case. Person-blind, exactly as a configurational case rule is.
Equations
- ClemDeal2024.shawiDomain _subj _obj = [{ label := "subj", lexicalCase := none }, { label := "obj", lexicalCase := none }]
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Baker's configurational rule for ergative ([Bak15]; [CD26]
(1)): "if there are two distinct NPs in the same spell-out domain such
that NP1 c-commands NP2, then value the case feature of NP1 as ergative
unless NP2 has already been marked for case." Rather than restate this
as a local strawman, we run linglib's own dependent-case algorithm —
Syntax.Case.assignCases .ergative, which values the higher of two
caseless NPs ergative — over the Shawi domain.
Equations
- ClemDeal2024.configErg subj obj = (Syntax.Case.getCaseOf "subj" (Syntax.Case.assignCases Syntax.Case.CaseLanguageType.ergative (ClemDeal2024.shawiDomain subj obj)) == some Case.erg)
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The configurational rule is person-blind: assignCases .ergative values
every transitive subject ergative, regardless of person.
It therefore overgenerates exactly where Shawi bans -ri because the
object outranks the subject. 2→1: [CD26] (7a). This is the
paper's own argument against rule (1).
And 3→1: [CD26] (7b).
The augmented configurational rule [CD26] (37) writes the
person hierarchy into rule (1) itself: NP1 gets ergative when it
c-commands a caseless NP2 and "NP1 is at least as high as NP2 on the
person hierarchy 1>2>3" — note ≥ (the paper's "at least as high as"),
so it fires on the person diagonal too. This is [CD26]'s
rendering of an option explored by [BS24a]; linglib has no
formalized person-augmented configurational rule, consistent with the
paper's third concern (§4.1) that such rules face no principled limit on
the hierarchies they may stipulate.
Equations
- ClemDeal2024.augmentedConfigErg subj obj = decide (subj.prominence ≥ obj.prominence)
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[CD26] do not refute (37) empirically — they grant it "is simple to state" (§4.1), and it is descriptively adequate: on every documented (high-object) cell of Table 4 it predicts exactly the Agree analysis.
The paper's objections to (37) are architectural, not empirical (§4.1): a person-augmented configurational rule (i) severs the case↔agreement (OAgr-on-S) connection, (ii) cannot unify the case-split person hierarchy with the identical hierarchy seen in agreement (e.g. Spanish ditransitives), and (iii) places no principled limit on which hierarchies a case rule may stipulate. linglib's internal counterpart is expressive: being a rule over person alone, (37) is blind to object position, so it cannot produce the position-conditioned optionality of 3rd-person objects (Table 4 rows b, d, g; (8), (23)). It predicts ergative for 3→3 (3 ≥ 3) — the high-object reading, (22) — but has no way to derive the low-object, no-ergative reading, (24), that the Agree analysis gets from object visibility.
[CD26] (9), (21): when the subject bears -ri,
the object cannot remain overt-postverbal. This combines the
Fragment-level objectSyntaxLicit with the predictedness of
ergative — a high-object subject that outranks the object forces
the object out of postverbal position (to OSV or pro-drop).
The fronted (OSV) and pro-drop options remain licit regardless
of whether the subject bears -ri.
"Object agreement on subject" (OAgr-on-S) can spell out the inner
φ-features of the goal-flag bundle that -ri exposes; if no such bundle is
present (i.e. no ergative), there is nothing for the OAgr-on-S morpheme to
attach to. [CD26]'s empirical generalization (§2, p. 274, with
footnote 7, elaborated in §3.3) is that OAgr-on-S obtains only if the
subject is ergative — an only if, not an iff: an ergative subject may
appear with or without OAgr-on-S.
We deliberately do not ship a separate oagrOnSAvailable predicate.
Its availability coincides with predictsErgative only by construction
here, so a definition oagrOnSAvailable := predictsErgative plus a "bridge"
theorem would merely rename predictsErgative and re-export its theorems.
The substantive content — the only-if/not-iff asymmetry — is not derivable
without the goal-flagging machinery flagged in §11; until then it is an
empirical generalization about predictsErgative, not a separate object.
Across the 9 (subject, object) cells, the strictly-descending
grammar licenses 5 — exactly the 5 cells where ergative is licit
in Shawi (rows a, b, d, g of Table 4, with row b/d/g being the
high-object subcases). Derived from Deal2024.sd_licit_count.
Among the high-object cells, predicted ergative coincides with
isLicit on the strictly-descending grammar — Shawi inherits the
Deal-2024 typology wholesale once we condition on "object visible
to v".
Follow-ups #
[clem-deal-2024]'s analysis crucially depends on three pieces of
machinery that linglib does not yet have:
- Bidirectional Agree (goal flagging) — the probe-to-goal direction
of feature transfer. Without this, the claim that
-riis the object's φ-features (rather than a primitive [ERG]) cannot be stated structurally.Syntax/Minimalism/Agree.leancurrently models only valuation (goal→probe). - Distributed Morphology / Vocabulary Insertion — for the VI rule
ri ↔ φ / ___ [φ,D]([CD26] (34)) and Kinyalolo's Constraint impoverishment ((35)). TheCore/Lexical/MorphRule.leanskeleton is Bybee-flavored and does not yet capture context-sensitive realization. - Feature provenance — distinguishing "native" features on a goal from features deposited there by Agree ([CD26] fn. 23). Required to state the ergative VI without overgenerating.
Once (1)–(3) are in place, the OAgr-on-S generalization noted in §9 —
currently an empirical only if about predictsErgative — can be
derived as a theorem, including the only-if/not-iff asymmetry.