Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Cinque2020

Cinque (2020): a unified double-Headed analysis of relative clauses #

[Cin20]

Formalizes the core of [Cin20]: all attested relative-clause types derive from a single double-Headed structure — an internal Head and an external Head (both indefinite dPs, smaller than DP), with the relative clause merged pre-nominally — via two derivation routes (§1.5):

Deletion of the internal Head is licit only when it exactly matches the external Head (both indefinite dP); when the relativized internal Head is bigger — a DP/KP, or a DP/KP inside a PP (an oblique) — no deletion is possible and the internal Head is realized by a wh-pronoun or a resumptive (§1.5).

The different RC types merge at different heights of the nominal extended projection (§3.5): non-restrictives attach above DP (external Head includes strong determiners), restrictives lower (external Head = weak determiners only), participials lower still. The internal-Head realization "strategies" (ch. 4) are gap + invariant relativizer, gap + relative pronoun, resumptive, PRO, non-reduction, and verb-coding.

This is the genuine syntactic treatment that computes a RelativeClause.Realization from the reified derivation — the consumer the substrate's projection hook was built for. [dV18] surveys the framework-neutral typology this single structure is meant to cover.

Main declarations #

Implementation notes #

The reification stays at the level §1.5 states explicitly (two Heads, derivation route, internal-Head category and strategy, merge height); the tree geometry (Spec,CP, the dP/DP cartography) is below this level and not modelled. PRO and the verb-coding strategy have no exact RelativeClause.NPRelType counterpart in the Keenan-Comrie/WALS inventory the substrate was built from and are approximated when projecting.

The two derivations from the single double-Headed structure #

The derivation route ([Cin20] §1.5).

  • raising : Derivation

    The internal Head raises to Spec,CP and is overt; the external Head is deleted ([Kay94]).

  • matching : Derivation

    The external Head is overt; the internal Head is deleted / a proform.

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      Which of the two Heads surfaces overtly.

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          The internal Head and its realization strategy #

          Category of the relativized internal Head ([Cin20] §1.5). Deletion under identity with the external Head turns on this: only an indefinite dP exactly matches the (indefinite dP) external Head.

          • indefiniteDP : InternalHeadCategory

            An indefinite dP exactly matching the external Head — deletion licit.

          • biggerDPKP : InternalHeadCategory

            A DP/KP, or a DP/KP inside a PP (oblique) — bigger than dP, no deletion.

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              Strategies for realizing the internal Head ([Cin20] ch. 4).

              • invariantRelativizer : Strategy

                Gap + invariant relativizer (English that, Italian che).

              • relativePronoun : Strategy

                Gap + relative pronoun / adjective (who/which, Italian cui).

              • resumptive : Strategy

                Resumptive pronoun / epithet.

              • pro : Strategy

                PRO (participial relative clauses).

              • nonReduction : Strategy

                Full repetition of the Head (non-reduction).

              • verbCoding : Strategy

                The verb-coding strategy.

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                def Cinque2020.instReprStrategy.repr :
                StrategyStd.Format
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                  Does this strategy realize the internal Head by deleting it under identity with the external Head (the gap + invariant-relativizer case)? Only the invariant-relativizer strategy does. PRO is a null proform, not deletion: [Cin20] keeps deletion / non-pronunciation distinct from proform-replacement, so PRO is not subject to the exact-match licensing.

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                    Relative-clause types and merge height #

                    RC types, by increasing height of external merge in the nominal extended projection ([Cin20] §3.5): a bigger external Head merges higher.

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                      def Cinque2020.instReprRCType.repr :
                      RCTypeStd.Format
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                        Relative merge height (bigger external Head = higher), per [Cin20] §3.5: participials lowest (smallest external Head); amount/maximalizing below ordinary restrictives (§3.5.5, presented as a tentative refinement of the §1.5 simplification that they merge alike); kind-defining between restrictives and non-restrictives (§3.5.3); non-restrictives highest (above DP).

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                          The reified relative clause #

                          structure Cinque2020.RC :

                          A relative clause in [Cin20]'s unified analysis: the single double-Headed structure (both Heads present by construction), a derivation route, the internal-Head category and realization strategy, the relativized AH position, and the position of the RC w.r.t. the Head.

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                            def Cinque2020.instReprRC.repr :
                            RCStd.Format
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                              @[implicit_reducible]
                              instance Cinque2020.instReprRC :
                              Repr RC
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                              The overt Head of an RC, determined by its derivation.

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                                Reconstruction / island effects are detectable iff the overt Head is the internal one (raising) — it is then in a chain with the RC-internal position ([Cin20] §1.5).

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                                  [Cin20]'s deletion-licensing condition: the internal Head may be deleted (the gap + invariant-relativizer strategy) only when it exactly matches the external Head (an indefinite dP). A bigger internal Head (oblique DP/KP, or DP/KP in a PP) must be spelled out — a relative pronoun or a resumptive.

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                                    The framework-neutral RelativeClause.Realization this derivation projects to — computed from the reified structure (the relativized position and the NP_rel type the internal-Head strategy yields), not stipulated. The hook by which Cinque's analysis connects to the relativization substrate.

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                                      Consequences #

                                      A matching derivation shows no reconstruction ([Cin20] §1.5).

                                      Deletion licensing. A well-formed RC whose relativized internal Head is bigger than an indefinite dP cannot use the gap-deletion (invariant relativizer) strategy — it must spell the internal Head out.

                                      Participial RCs have the lowest external merge.

                                      Amount/maximalizing RCs merge lower (closer to the Head) than ordinary restrictives — [Cin20] §3.5.5, presented there as a tentative refinement of the §1.5 simplification that they merge in the same position.

                                      Worked examples #

                                      English "the book that John read ___": matching, internal Head exactly matches the external (indefinite dP), gap via the invariant relativizer that; object relative.

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                                        It computes to the substrate realization (directObject, gap) — from Cinque's derivation rather than stipulated.

                                        "the man to whom I spoke": oblique relativization. The internal Head is bigger than dP (a PP-internal DP/KP), so deletion is barred and a relative pronoun is used.

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                                          The deletion-licensing bite: an oblique (bigger) internal Head cannot be deleted via the invariant relativizer — that derivation is ill-formed.

                                          Hebrew resumptive relativization at the genitive: matching, internal Head spelled out as a resumptive pronoun.

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                                            A raising derivation (overt Head = internal Head) shows reconstruction.

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