Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Buring2007

Büring 2007: Cross-Polar Nomalies #

[Bur07]

Daniel Büring. Cross-Polar Nomalies. SALT 17 (2007).

Core Puzzle #

Cross-polar anomalies — comparisons pairing A⁺ with its direct antonym A⁻ — are ungrammatical: *"John is shorter than Mary is tall." But cross-polar nomalies — comparisons pairing A⁻ with a non-antonymous A⁺ from a different spatial dimension — are perfectly acceptable: "The ladder was shorter than the house was high."

Analysis #

LITTLE is a degree negation operator ([Hei06]): short = LITTLE long, less = LITTLE -er. Formally, LITTLE complements a degree predicate: ⟦LITTLE⟧ = λi.λd. i(d) = 0, mapping positive extents to negative extents ([Ken99]).

Cross-polar nomalies work because MORE LITTLE-A in the main clause can be reinterpreted as LITTLE-er A. This reinterpretation is blocked for direct antonyms by comparative deletion (MaxElide) and for inverse configurations by the requirement that LITTLE license ellipsis only in its own clause.

Three-way pattern:

Two Competing Analyses (§3 vs §5) #

Both predict the same truth conditions for basic cases. §6 uses modal scope as a diagnostic: universal/existential modals in the than-clause disambiguate the two, favoring Analysis 1.

Formal Connections #

LITTLE: degree negation [Hei06] #

Absorbed from the retired Degree/Little.lean (Büring is its only consumer): ⟦LITTLE⟧ = λP.λd. ¬ P d; short = LITTLE tall, less = LITTLE -er.

def Buring2007.littlePred {D : Type u_1} (P : DProp) :
DProp

LITTLE on degree predicates: complementation.

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    theorem Buring2007.littlePred_Iic_eq_Ioi {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) (d : D) :
    littlePred (fun (x_1 : D) => x_1 Set.Iic (μ x)) d d Set.Ioi (μ x)

    LITTLE maps the positive extent to the negative extent: LITTLE({d | d ≤ μ(x)}) = {d | μ(x) < d}. The formal content of "short = LITTLE tall" — the degree predicate for 'short' is the complement of the degree predicate for 'tall', exactly the relation between positive and negative extents from [Ken99].

    theorem Buring2007.little_involution {D : Type u_1} (P : DProp) (d : D) :
    littlePred (littlePred P) d P d

    LITTLE is an involution: double degree negation cancels.

    theorem Buring2007.little_reverses_comparison {Entity : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [LinearOrder α] (μ : Entityα) (a b : Entity) :

    LITTLE reverses the comparison direction: "A is LITTLE-er Adj than B" ↔ "B is Adj-er than A". Delegates to taller_shorter_antonymy.

    def Buring2007.positiveInterval {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [BoundedOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) :
    NonemptyInterval D

    Schwarzschild-style positive interval [⊥, μ x] — the bundled (NonemptyInterval) face of Set.Iic (μ x).

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      def Buring2007.negativeInterval {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [BoundedOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) :
      NonemptyInterval D

      Negative interval [μ x, ⊤] (§4: ⟦short⟧ = ⟦LITTLE tall⟧ inverts the positive interval) — the bundled face of Set.Ioi (μ x).

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        LITTLE: Degree Negation on Extents #

        theorem Buring2007.little_positive_to_negative {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [BoundedOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) :
        (negativeInterval μ x).toProd.1 = (positiveInterval μ x).toProd.2

        LITTLE maps positive intervals to negative intervals ([Bur07] §4, def. 22): the positive interval [⊥, μ(x)] becomes the negative interval [μ(x), ⊤]. This is the interval-level counterpart of littlePred_Iic_eq_Ioi (which operates on extent sets).

        The bridge connects the interval framework (Schwarzschild) to the extent framework (Kennedy) via LITTLE.

        Cross-Polar Anomaly: Algebraic Impossibility #

        theorem Buring2007.crossPolar_anomaly_impossible {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

        Cross-polar anomaly = attempting to compare a positive extent with a negative extent on the same dimension.

        "?*John is shorter than Mary is tall" requires Iic(μ Mary) ⊆ Ioi(μ John), but Degree.not_crossExtentInclusion from [Ken99]'s extent algebra proves this is impossible on any linear order: the boundary degree μ(a) belongs to the positive extent but not the negative one, so the inclusion always fails.

        Note: [Bur07]'s explanation is syntactic (MaxElide §3.2), not algebraic. The algebraic impossibility is a stronger claim: even if the LF were syntactically available, the semantics would be vacuous. Büring's account is compatible — MaxElide blocks the LF before semantics applies.

        Cross-Polar Pattern (Data) #

        Classification of cross-polar configurations (p. 3).

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                  Cross-Polar Nomalies = Subcomparatives #

                  theorem Buring2007.subcomparative_same_dimension {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

                  When both dimensions use the same measure function, the subcomparative collapses to the standard comparative: "a is shorter than b" = "b is taller than a".

                  Concrete Example #

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                    Why Anomalies Are Blocked #

                    [Bur07]'s syntactic explanation for why direct-antonym cross-polar constructions are anomalous (§3.2): when A⁻ and A⁺ ARE direct antonyms (same dimension), comparative deletion (ellipsis of the whole A in the than-clause) produces a competing form. MaxElide (Takahashi and Fox 2005) prefers this deletion, blocking the cross-polar LF.

                    For nomalies, deletion is unavailable because the adjectives differ (long ≠ high), so no competition arises (§3.3).

                    Inverse nomalies (*A⁺-er than A⁻, different dimensions) are blocked because LITTLE in the main clause cannot license ellipsis in the than-clause (§3.4): the LF "the house is MORE high [than HOW the ladder is LITTLE-long]" cannot be reinterpreted as "LITTLE-er high" because LITTLE and MORE are in separate clauses.

                    • sentence : String
                    • whyBlocked : String
                    • competingForm : String
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                          Bridge to Von Stechow's Klein Limitation #

                          theorem Buring2007.klein_limitation_is_subcomparative {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ₁ μ₂ : EntityD) (a : Entity) :
                          Degree.subcomparative μ₁ μ₂ a a μ₁ a > μ₂ a

                          [vS84]'s Klein limitation 3: "Ede is more tall than broad" is a cross-dimensional comparison that Klein's degree-free framework cannot express.

                          [Bur07]'s cross-polar nomalies are the same phenomenon: "shorter(length) than high(height)" compares different dimensions on a shared spatial extent scale. Both require degree ontology (specifically, subcomparative from [SW02a]).

                          Definitionally: comparing two dimensions of the same entity is subcomparative μ₁ μ₂ a a, which unfolds to μ₁ a > μ₂ a.

                          LITTLE–□ scope: the de Morgan asymmetry (§6) #

                          The two analyses place LITTLE on opposite sides of the than-clause modal, so the than-clause degree property is either LITTLE(□P) or □(LITTLE P). Over accessible worlds acc with world-indexed degree μw, a degree d is in LITTLE(□P) iff it exceeds some world's degree (it escapes the minimum), and in □(LITTLE P) iff it exceeds every world's degree (it escapes the maximum). □∘LITTLE entails LITTLE∘□ — the nontrivial direction of de Morgan for infinite meets — but not conversely, which is why the modal diagnostic below discriminates the two analyses.

                          def Buring2007.littleOverBox {W : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LT D] (acc : Set W) (μw : WD) (d : D) :

                          LITTLE(□P): d exceeds the degree of some accessible world.

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                            def Buring2007.boxOverLittle {W : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LT D] (acc : Set W) (μw : WD) (d : D) :

                            □(LITTLE P): d exceeds the degree of every accessible world.

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                              theorem Buring2007.boxOverLittle_implies_littleOverBox {W : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LT D] {acc : Set W} (μw : WD) (d : D) (hne : acc.Nonempty) :
                              boxOverLittle acc μw dlittleOverBox acc μw d

                              □(LITTLE P) entails LITTLE(□P) when some world is accessible: the nontrivial de Morgan direction.

                              theorem Buring2007.littleOverBox_not_boxOverLittle :
                              ∃ (acc : Set Bool) (μw : Bool) (d : ), littleOverBox acc μw d ¬boxOverLittle acc μw d

                              The converse fails: over two worlds with degrees 5 and 10, the degree 7 escapes the minimum but not the maximum.

                              theorem Buring2007.littleBox_collapse_when_uniform {W : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LT D] {acc : Set W} (μw : WD) (d : D) (hne : acc.Nonempty) (hunif : w₁acc, w₂acc, μw w₁ = μw w₂) :
                              littleOverBox acc μw d boxOverLittle acc μw d

                              When all accessible worlds agree on the degree, the two analyses collapse — modal scope is undetectable ([Hei01]'s monotone collapse at the modal level).

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                                  Analysis 1 (preferred): LITTLE scopes with -er in main clause. The than-clause denotes {d | ∀w ∈ Deon(@). d ≤ WIDTH_w(moat)}, whose max is the minimum required width (= 30). The comparative asserts: min-required-width > bridge-length.

                                  Truth conditions: the bridge is shorter than the moat's minimum required width. This is correct — the bridge (15ft) can't span a moat that must be at least 30ft wide.

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                                    Analysis 2: LITTLE scopes in the than-clause (with the adjective). HAS-TO scopes over LITTLE-wide (= narrow). The than-clause denotes {d | ∀w ∈ Deon(@). NARROWNESS_w(moat) ≥ d}, whose max is the min narrowness across permitted worlds — i.e., the narrowness in the world where the moat is widest (= 40ft → narrowness is minimal).

                                    On a bounded scale [0, maxWidth], narrowness = maxWidth - width. Min narrowness = maxWidth - max(width) = maxWidth - 40. For any reasonable maxWidth, this is smaller than bridge shortness.

                                    Truth conditions: we could (but don't have to) build a moat narrow enough that the bridge would span it. This does NOT match the intuition of (29), which asserts the bridge is too short, period.

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                                      Analysis 2 predicts narrowness of (maxWidth - 40). For any reasonable maxWidth (e.g. 50), this is 10 — less than the bridge length of 15. So Analysis 2 would predict the sentence is FALSE (the bridge IS long enough for the widest-possible moat-narrowness). This is the wrong prediction.

                                      The two analyses diverge: Analysis 1 predicts TRUE (bridge too short), Analysis 2 predicts FALSE (bridge long enough). Native speakers judge the sentence true, confirming Analysis 1.

                                      Existential Modal Variant (§6.2) #

                                      [Bur07] §6.2 (p. 14, ex. 38): existential modals produce the same disambiguation.

                                      "The moat is narrower than drawbridges are allowed to be long."

                                      Analysis 1: moat width < max permitted bridge length. Paraphrase: "we can get a bridge that spans the moat."

                                      Analysis 2: moat narrowness < max permitted bridge shortness. Paraphrase: weaker — about permitted shortness, not length.

                                      • sentence : String
                                      • modalForce : String
                                      • analysis1Reading : String
                                      • analysis2Reading : String
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