[Bea10] The Structure of Lexical Meaning: Why Semantics Really Matters #
Argument realization in direct/oblique alternations is governed not by event structure but by strength of truth conditions. Direct realization encodes monotonically stronger truth conditions than oblique realization. This is captured by:
An affectedness hierarchy — four degrees of change, each an existential weakening of the last: quantized ⊃ nonquantized ⊃ potential ⊃ unspecified.
L-thematic roles — sets of implicationally related entailments. The three affectedness entailments produce a structured subset hierarchy with exactly 4 semantically non-vacuous roles (of 8 possible).
The Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle (MAP) — when an argument alternates between direct and oblique realization, the direct variant bears L-thematic role R and the oblique bears Q ⊆_M R (minimal weakening).
Deepest theorem #
MAP_holds_all_alternations: for every attested object/oblique alternation
in the data, the oblique role is the next-weakest (minimal, ⊆_M) weakening
of the direct role. The subset form (direct degree ≥ oblique degree) is the
derived corollary MAP_subset / MapHolds.oblique_le, via the substrate's
AffectednessDegree order.
An L-thematic role for patienthood: a set of the three affectedness entailments ([Bea10]'s reduction of Dowty's 5 P-Patient entailments).
- quantized : Bool
- nonquantized : Bool
- potential : Bool
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- Beavers2010.instReprPatientLRole = { reprPrec := Beavers2010.instReprPatientLRole.repr }
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An L-role is valid iff it respects the implicational chain quantized → nonquantized → potential.
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- r.valid = ((!r.quantized || r.nonquantized) && (!r.nonquantized || r.potential))
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The four valid L-thematic roles.
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- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.quantizedRole = { quantized := true, nonquantized := true, potential := true }
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- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.nonquantizedRole = { quantized := false, nonquantized := true, potential := true }
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- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.potentialRole = { quantized := false, nonquantized := false, potential := true }
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- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.unspecifiedRole = { quantized := false, nonquantized := false, potential := false }
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Exactly 4 of the 8 combinations are valid: the implicational chain prunes the role space to the four semantically contentful L-roles.
Subset ordering on L-thematic roles: R₁ ⊆ R₂ iff every entailment in R₁ is also in R₂.
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- r₁.subset r₂ = ((!r₁.quantized || r₂.quantized) && (!r₁.nonquantized || r₂.nonquantized) && (!r₁.potential || r₂.potential))
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The four valid roles form a linear chain under ⊂: {} ⊂ {p} ⊂ {nq,p} ⊂ {q,nq,p}
The hierarchy is linear: no incomparable pairs among valid roles.
Minimal contrast: Q ⊆_M R iff Q = R or Q ⊂ R with no valid role strictly between them.
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The attested minimal contrasts are exactly the adjacent pairs.
Skipping a level is NOT a minimal contrast.
The affectedness degree corresponding to a valid L-thematic role.
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The valid L-thematic role realizing a degree (section of toDegree).
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- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.ofDegree ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.quantized = Beavers2010.PatientLRole.quantizedRole
- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.ofDegree ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.nonquantized = Beavers2010.PatientLRole.nonquantizedRole
- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.ofDegree ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.potential = Beavers2010.PatientLRole.potentialRole
- Beavers2010.PatientLRole.ofDegree ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.unspecified = Beavers2010.PatientLRole.unspecifiedRole
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The subset order on valid roles is the substrate's AffectednessDegree
order, transported along toDegree.
The MAP ([Bea10]; canonical wording in Beavers' 2023 Sag Lectures handout): when an argument may be either an object or a PP, it bears role R as an object and the next weakest role Q ⊆_M R as a PP — a minimal weakening, not mere subset.
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- Beavers2010.MAP directRole obliqueRole = obliqueRole.minimalContrast directRole
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Derived corollary of the MAP (the weakened form an earlier version of this file stated as the MAP itself): the oblique role's entailments are a subset of the direct role's.
The case the strengthening excludes: a level-skipping weakening (potential oblique under a quantized direct role) satisfies the subset corollary but violates the MAP proper.
An observed alternation contrast: a verb with its direct-object and oblique affectedness degrees.
- verb : String
- alternationType : Semantics.Lexical.DiathesisAlternation
- directDegree : ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree
- obliqueDegree : ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree
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- Beavers2010.instBEqAlternationContrast.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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eat conative: "ate the pizza" (quantized) vs "ate at the pizza" (nonquantized). The object variant entails total consumption; the oblique entails only some consumption occurred.
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cut conative: "cut the rope" (nonquantized) vs "cut at the rope" (potential). The object variant entails some damage; the oblique entails only that damage was possible (contact under modality).
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hit conative: "hit the rope" (potential) vs "hit at the rope" (unspecified). The object variant entails potential for change (if contact, then possible result); the oblique entails only potential contact under double modality.
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load locative (location as object): "loaded the wagon" (quantized) vs "loaded hay onto the wagon" — the wagon undergoes quantized change (completely filled), the hay undergoes nonquantized change (moved).
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load locative (theme as object): "loaded the hay" (quantized) vs "loaded the wagon with the hay" — the hay undergoes quantized change (all moved), the wagon undergoes nonquantized change.
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cut/slice locative (location as object): "cut the window with the diamond" (nonquantized) vs "cut the diamond on the window" — both undergo potential change, but the object has nonquantized.
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cut/slice locative (theme as object): same contrast.
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All attested alternation contrasts.
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The MAP holds of a contrast: the oblique role is the next-weakest (minimal) weakening of the direct role.
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- Beavers2010.instDecidableMapHolds c = id inferInstance
Degree-level corollary via MAP_subset and the substrate's
AffectednessDegree order: the direct degree dominates the oblique.
The MAP — in its strengthened next-weakest form — holds for ALL attested alternation contrasts: every oblique realization is a minimal weakening of its direct counterpart.
The three conatives tile the hierarchy — every adjacent pair appears
exactly once, so together they exhibit the full implicational chain.
(That each is a minimal contrast is the per-contrast MAP_*_conative
theorem above.)
A hypothetical alternation whose oblique has more entailments than its direct object (potential DO, quantized oblique) — the less prominent realization would carry stronger truth conditions.
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A level-skipping alternation: quantized direct, potential oblique.
Satisfies the subset corollary but not the MAP proper — the degree-level
face of skip_violates_MAP.
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A reversed alternation: the oblique strictly outranks the direct.
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Skipping a level violates the MAP even though the degree order is
respected — skip_not_minimal is what excludes it.
Bridge to [Lev93]'s judgment rows: the conative alternation is attested for cut and hit, confirming the Table 3 contrasts.
Bridge to [Lev93]'s judgment rows: break does NOT participate in the conative. This is predicted: break objects undergo quantized change (CoS), and the conative would weaken to nonquantized — but break's meaning inherently requires a specific result state, so the weakening is blocked by the verb's lexical semantics.
Bridge to [Lev93]'s judgment rows: the locative alternation is attested for spray/load verbs, confirming the Table 4 contrasts.
The profileToDegree bridge (formerly §8) and its verification theorems
have been promoted to Semantics/Events/Affectedness.lean.
They are opened at the top of this file.
[Bea10] argues that the MAP and event decompositions are complementary, not competing (the paper's conclusion, §6):
| Approach | Semantics | Morphosyntax |
|-----------------|----------------------------------|--------------------------|
| Decompositions | gross causal/temporal structure | subject/nonsubject |
| MAP | fine-grained lexical entailments | direct/oblique |
The existing `EntailmentProfile` captures the gross agentivity structure
(P-Agent features → subject selection). Beavers 2010 adds the missing
piece: fine-grained P-Patient structure → direct/oblique alternations.
Subject selection (from [Dow91]) and object alternations (from [Bea10]) are independent principles operating on different argument positions. The ASP governs subjects; the MAP governs direct vs. oblique objects.
[Gri11]'s PersistenceLevel reformulates P-Patient as 4
persistence dimensions (existential/qualitative × beginning/end).
Beavers' affectedness hierarchy maps systematically onto this lattice:
| Beavers degree | Grimm persistence | Interpretation |
|------------------|----------------------|-----------------------------|
| quantized | exPersEnd | Entity created/consumed |
| | quPersBeginning | Entity changed to specific |
| nonquantized | quPersBeginning | Entity changed (nonspecific)|
| potential | totalPersistence | Entity may change |
| unspecified | totalPersistence | No change entailment |
The mapping is not injective: both `quantized` and `nonquantized` can
map to `quPersBeginning` (the entity changes but persists). The
distinction between them is about *specificity of the result state*,
which Grimm's persistence dimensions don't capture — it's a property
of the scale, not of persistence. This is where the theories are
genuinely complementary.
Map affectedness degrees to their most typical persistence level. This captures the systematic correspondence; edge cases (creation verbs mapping to exPersEnd for quantized) require verb-specific information.
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- Beavers2010.degreeToPersistence ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.quantized = ArgumentStructure.AgentivityLattice.PersistenceLevel.quPersBeginning
- Beavers2010.degreeToPersistence ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.nonquantized = ArgumentStructure.AgentivityLattice.PersistenceLevel.quPersBeginning
- Beavers2010.degreeToPersistence ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.potential = ArgumentStructure.AgentivityLattice.PersistenceLevel.totalPersistence
- Beavers2010.degreeToPersistence ArgumentStructure.Affectedness.AffectednessDegree.unspecified = ArgumentStructure.AgentivityLattice.PersistenceLevel.totalPersistence
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The two Grimm levels that correspond to "affected" roles (quPersBeginning = changed, exPersEnd = created/destroyed) are both ranked lower than totalPersistence on Grimm's lattice. Lower persistence = higher affectedness. This is the Grimm-Beavers convergence.
Bridge: kick object has persistence totalPersistence (persists, no
entailed change) and affectedness potential — exactly the
degreeToPersistence correspondence for potential change. Beavers'
surface-contact classification ([Bea11] eq. (60c)); note
[Gri11]'s own Fig. 5 instead places contact-verb objects at
quPersBeginning (TransitivityRank.contact.patientNode), a genuine
cross-paper disagreement over whether contact entails impingement.
Bridge: build object has persistence exPersEnd (created) and affectedness quantized — both theories agree on maximal patient status.
Bridge: eat object has persistence exPersBeginning (consumed) and affectedness quantized — both theories agree on maximal change.
The deepest cross-theory result: Grimm's persistence ordering and Beavers' affectedness ordering are monotonically related for canonical verb profiles. Arguments with higher affectedness (Beavers) have lower persistence (Grimm). They formalize the same intuition — degree of change — from complementary perspectives.
Cross-framework bridge from Levin/RHL ArgTemplate (event-template
decomposition) to Grimm's GrimmNode (privative agentivity lattice) and
Beavers' affectedness degree. Each canonical template is verified to
project into the predicted positions in both systems, and the consistency
of affectedness ↔ persistence is checked.
Project an ArgTemplate's subject profile to a GrimmNode.
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Project an ArgTemplate's object profile (if any) to a GrimmNode.
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Project an ArgTemplate's object to its affectedness degree.
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Manner-contact subject → full agent on the Grimm lattice.
Manner-contact object → potential affectedness (no CoS entailed).
Result-change object → nonquantized affectedness (CoS, no IT).
Creation object → quantized affectedness (CoS + IT).
Consumption object → quantized affectedness (CoS + IT).
Self-motion (intransitive) → no object affectedness.
Affectedness ordering across templates: the named templates are ordered by truth-conditional strength on the object side, reproducing [Bea10]'s hierarchy: creation/consumption (quantized) > resultChange (nonquantized) > mannerContact (potential) > perception (unspecified).
The affectedness and persistence projections are consistent for manner-contact objects: potential affectedness ↔ totalPersistence (the object may change but the verb doesn't entail it).
Result-change: nonquantized ↔ quPersBeginning (changed but persists).
Creation: quantized ↔ exPersEnd (entity comes into existence).