[ABB+23]: QUD manipulation of homogeneity projection #
Empirical data from Augurzky, Bonnet, Breheny, Cremers, Ebert, Mayr, Romoli, Steinbach & Sudo (2023), "Putting plural definites into context," Sinn und Bedeutung 27: 19-32.
Empirical contribution #
Augurzky et al. extend the Križ & Chemla 2015 paradigm
([kriz-chemla-2015], formalized at
Studies/KrizChemla2015.lean) by manipulating the QUD
between participants:
- Strict context: QUD targets the strongest reading.
- Lax context: QUD targets the weakest reading.
Across two experiments, they find:
everyis highly QUD-sensitive (low acceptance in strict, high in lax).nois essentially QUD-insensitive (low acceptance in both).not everypatterns withevery(high in lax), NOT withno— despite bothnoandnot everybeing downward-entailing.
The no / not every asymmetry is the central puzzle.
Provenance #
This data was previously bundled inside an imprecision-projection file
(then Studies/Haslinger2025.lean). Moved here at 0.230.521 — the empirical
anchor is Augurzky et al. 2023, not Haslinger. The asymmetry's theoretical
explanation in the original file invoked exhaustification logic from
[bar-lev-2021] rather than Augurzky's or Haslinger's account; that
explanation has been replaced with a statement of the empirical pattern alone,
with the rival explanations cited as future-work targets.
QUD-manipulation datum for plural-definite acceptance in gap scenarios.
Source: [ABB+23], Experiments 1-2.
The acceptance fields are coded categorically ("low"/"medium"/"high") since the original numerical rates depend on per-experiment baselines and stimulus sets; consult [ABB+23] Tables 1-2 for raw rates.
The embedding operator
- sentence : String
Sentence
- strictReading : String
Strict reading (QUD = strong)
- laxReading : String
Lax reading (QUD = weak)
- gapScenario : String
Gap scenario
- strictContextAcceptance : String
Acceptance rate in STRICT context (gap scenario)
- laxContextAcceptance : String
Acceptance rate in LAX context (gap scenario)
- contextEffect : Bool
Is there an interaction (context effect differs by operator)?
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The no / not every asymmetry: empirical pattern only.
Both operators are downward-entailing, yet not every permits the
weak/non-maximal reading in gap scenarios while no does not. This is
the central empirical puzzle of [ABB+23].
Two rival theoretical accounts in the literature (cited as future-work targets, NOT endorsed by this file):
- [BL21]: exhaustification —
not everytriggers a scalar implicature creating a non-monotonic context where embedded exhaustification can strengthen the embedded plural;nolacks the triggering implicature. - [Has25] §3.6.2 (Magri effects): the asymmetry follows
from how potential p-equivalence and complexity interact with embedding
monotonicity; see also
Studies/Haslinger2025.lean.
The two accounts make divergent predictions for embedded environments not yet tested experimentally.
- noSentence : String
nosentence - notEverySentence : String
not everysentence - gapScenario : String
Gap scenario
- noPermitsWeak : Bool
nopermits weak reading in gap? - notEveryPermitsWeak : Bool
not everypermits weak reading in gap?
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