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Linglib.Studies.AugurzkyEtAl2023

[ABB+23]: QUD manipulation of homogeneity projection #

Empirical data from Augurzky, Bonnet, Breheny, Cremers, Ebert, Mayr, Romoli, Steinbach & Sudo (2023), "Putting plural definites into context," Sinn und Bedeutung 27: 19-32.

Empirical contribution #

Augurzky et al. extend the Križ & Chemla 2015 paradigm ([kriz-chemla-2015], formalized at Studies/KrizChemla2015.lean) by manipulating the QUD between participants:

Across two experiments, they find:

The no / not every asymmetry is the central puzzle.

Provenance #

This data was previously bundled inside an imprecision-projection file (then Studies/Haslinger2025.lean). Moved here at 0.230.521 — the empirical anchor is Augurzky et al. 2023, not Haslinger. The asymmetry's theoretical explanation in the original file invoked exhaustification logic from [bar-lev-2021] rather than Augurzky's or Haslinger's account; that explanation has been replaced with a statement of the empirical pattern alone, with the rival explanations cited as future-work targets.

QUD-manipulation datum for plural-definite acceptance in gap scenarios.

Source: [ABB+23], Experiments 1-2.

The acceptance fields are coded categorically ("low"/"medium"/"high") since the original numerical rates depend on per-experiment baselines and stimulus sets; consult [ABB+23] Tables 1-2 for raw rates.

  • The embedding operator

  • sentence : String

    Sentence

  • strictReading : String

    Strict reading (QUD = strong)

  • laxReading : String

    Lax reading (QUD = weak)

  • gapScenario : String

    Gap scenario

  • strictContextAcceptance : String

    Acceptance rate in STRICT context (gap scenario)

  • laxContextAcceptance : String

    Acceptance rate in LAX context (gap scenario)

  • contextEffect : Bool

    Is there an interaction (context effect differs by operator)?

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            The no / not every asymmetry: empirical pattern only.

            Both operators are downward-entailing, yet not every permits the weak/non-maximal reading in gap scenarios while no does not. This is the central empirical puzzle of [ABB+23].

            Two rival theoretical accounts in the literature (cited as future-work targets, NOT endorsed by this file):

            • [BL21]: exhaustification — not every triggers a scalar implicature creating a non-monotonic context where embedded exhaustification can strengthen the embedded plural; no lacks the triggering implicature.
            • [Has25] §3.6.2 (Magri effects): the asymmetry follows from how potential p-equivalence and complexity interact with embedding monotonicity; see also Studies/Haslinger2025.lean.

            The two accounts make divergent predictions for embedded environments not yet tested experimentally.

            • noSentence : String

              no sentence

            • notEverySentence : String

              not every sentence

            • gapScenario : String

              Gap scenario

            • noPermitsWeak : Bool

              no permits weak reading in gap?

            • notEveryPermitsWeak : Bool

              not every permits weak reading in gap?

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