Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Anttila1997

[Ant97]: Deriving Variation from Grammar #

Formalizes the Finnish genitive-plural predictions of [Ant97]: free variation — including its statistical biases — follows from a single partially-ranked OT grammar, a variant's probability being the fraction of total rankings under which it wins. Categorical outputs are the limiting case where every ranking converges on the same winner (probability 1 or 0), so categorical and variable motifs fall out of the same grammar.

Page and item numbers cite the ROA-63 manuscript version (May 1995); the published chapter [Ant97] paginates 35–68.

The grammar #

finnishGrammar is "the grammar for Finnish, final version" (eq. (50), page 21) in full: 20 constraints in 5 mutually-ranked sets, as a single stratified partial order on Fin 20:

Sets 3 and 4 — the "intermediary constraint sets" of eq. (49) — are internally unranked: "While mutually ranked, the sets are internally random" (page 21), so each evaluation samples a total order.

Substrate consumption #

Each motif's probability is winProb over finnishGrammar — uniform sampling of the total rankings consistent with the whole grammar, not a per-stratum sub-grammar. The substrate's deciding-stratum theorem (winProb_stratified_binary_rate) reduces each competition to the closed form |favoring ∩ Dₖ| / |Dₖ| over the deciding stratum's active set — the paper's own shortcut ("Drawing the tableaux was in fact unnecessary … knowing that the weak variant violates one constraint (*L.L) while the strong variant violates two (*H/I, *Í) gives us the result directly", page 22) — with the irrelevance of the lower strata a theorem rather than an aside.

Violation profiles are stipulated from table (52) rather than derived from Constraint instances: the paper's quantitative section works directly at violation-profile granularity. True Constraint formalisations would need a Finnish syllable substrate (stress / weight / sonority features feeding syllable structure) which doesn't yet exist in linglib. Sets 1–2 tie on every motif (the stress constraints are inactive on these long-stem competitions, witnessed by table (52) carrying only Set 3 and Set 4 columns); Set-5 cells are set to 0 — the deciding-stratum theorem makes them provably irrelevant, so no Set-5 profile fidelity is claimed.

Predictions formalized #

All six motif competitions of table (52) (page 22); observed 3-syllabic-stem frequencies from table (53) (page 23):

winProb_strong_add_weak verifies the two variants partition the probability mass for every motif (sum_winProb_eq_one substrate instance).

Out of scope #

Variants and motifs #

The two genitive-plural variants: strong (heavy penult, final-syllable onset /t/ or /d/) vs weak (light penult, onset /j/ or absent) ([Ant97] ex. (1), page 3).

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    def Anttila1997.instReprVariant.repr :
    VariantStd.Format
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      theorem Anttila1997.Variant.univ_eq_pair (v : Variant) :
      Finset.univ = {v, v.other}

      Both variants compete for every input: the candidate set is the pair {v, v.other} for either choice of v.

      The six motif competitions of [Ant97] table (52): 1ab (L.TÁAL.TA), 2ab (L.TÓOL.TO), 3ab (L.TÍIL.TI), 4ab (H.TÁAH.TA), 5ab (H.TÓOH.TO), 6ab (H.TÍIH.TI).

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        def Anttila1997.instReprMotif.repr :
        MotifStd.Format
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          The grammar for Finnish, final version #

          Constraint roster, in eq. (50)'s column order: 0 = *X́.X́ (Set 1); 1 = *Ĺ, 2 = *H (Set 2); 3 = *H/I, 4 = *Í, 5 = *L.L (Set 3); 6 = *H/O, 7 = *Ó, 8 = *L/A, 9 = *H.H, 10 = *H́, 11 = *X.X (Set 4); 12 = *H/A, 13 = *Á, 14 = *L/O, 15 = *L/I, 16 = *A, 17 = *O, 18 = *I, 19 = *L (Set 5).

          def Anttila1997.stratumOf :
          Fin 20Fin 5

          Stratum assignment: constraint c belongs to Set stratumOf c + 1 of [Ant97] eq. (50).

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            def Anttila1997.setFiveInner :
            Fin 20Fin 20Prop

            The Set-5-internal rankings of [Ant97] eq. (50): *L/O ≫ *L/I (14 ≫ 15) and *A ≫ *O ≫ *I (16 ≫ 17 ≫ 18), transitively closed.

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              def Anttila1997.finnishGrammar :
              Fin 20Fin 20Prop

              The grammar for Finnish, final version ([Ant97] eq. (50), page 21): five mutually-ranked strata, internally free except for setFiveInner's Set-5 rankings.

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                def Anttila1997.vp :
                MotifVariantFin 20

                Violation profile over the full constraint roster, from [Ant97] table (52). Sets 1–2 tie on every motif and Set-5 cells are 0 (provably irrelevant; see module docstring).

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                  def Anttila1997.winProb (m : Motif) (v : Variant) :

                  Probability that variant v wins motif m under uniform sampling of the total rankings consistent with finnishGrammar.

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                    Rate theorems — table (52), all six motifs #

                    Motif 1ab strong L.TÁA wins in all rankings — only the weak variant violates a deciding-stratum constraint (*L.L), so D = Y = {5} and the rate is 1: the categorical limiting case.

                    Motif 1ab weak L.TA loses in all rankings ([Ant97] table (53): observed 0.6%, an artefact of the spelling of /kollega/).

                    Motif 2ab strong L.TÓO wins in all rankings — same Set-3 profile as motif 1ab.

                    Motif 2ab weak L.TO loses in all rankings.

                    Motif 3ab strong L.TÍI wins 1/3 of rankings: decided in Set 3 with D = {*H/I, *Í, *L.L}, Y = {*L.L} (violated by weak alone). Observed 36.9% for náa.pu.rèi.den ([Ant97] table (53), row 3a).

                    Motif 3ab weak L.TI wins 2/3 of rankings: Y = {*H/I, *Í} (violated by strong alone). Observed 63.1% for náa.pu.ri.en ([Ant97] table (53), row 3b).

                    Motif 4ab strong H.TÁA wins 1/2 of rankings: decided in Set 4 with D = {*L/A, *H.H, *H́, *X.X}, Y = {*L/A, *X.X} (violated by weak alone). Observed 50.5% for máa.il.mòi.den ([Ant97] table (53), row 4a).

                    Motif 4ab weak H.TA wins 1/2 of rankings: Y = {*H.H, *H́}. Observed 49.5% for máa.il.mo.jen ([Ant97] table (53), row 4b).

                    Motif 5ab strong H.TÓO wins 1/5 of rankings: decided in Set 4 with D = {*H/O, *Ó, *H.H, *H́, *X.X}, Y = {*X.X} (violated by weak alone). Observed 17.8% for kór.jaa.mòi.den ([Ant97] table (53), row 5a).

                    Motif 5ab weak H.TO wins 4/5 of rankings: Y = {*H/O, *Ó, *H.H, *H́}. Observed 82.2% for kór.jaa.mo.jen ([Ant97] table (53), row 5b).

                    Motif 6ab strong H.TÍI loses in all rankings — only the strong variant violates deciding-stratum constraints (*H/I, ), so Y = ∅.

                    Motif 6ab weak H.TI wins in all rankings ([Ant97] table (53): observed 98.4%).

                    Completeness #

                    Every ranking of finnishGrammar picks a winner for every motif: the two variants' probabilities sum to 1 (sum_winProb_eq_one instance).